Planet Not For Sale

Trump Missed Deadline for Promised Start of NAFTA Renegotiation in 100 Days, But Whenever Talks Begin, It is the Content, Not The Speed, That Counts

Eyes on Trade - 2 February, 2017 - 21:28

Statement of Lori Wallach, Director, Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch

The Trump administration can rename NAFTA the North American Free and Most Fairest of Them All Trade Agreement, but given that NAFTA is packed with incentives to offshore jobs and special protectionist goodies for various industries, NAFTA must be replaced – not tweaked – to actually deliver better outcomes for working people.

Monthly government data will show whether a NAFTA replacement delivers on the trade deficit reduction and job creation Trump has promised and to move those numbers will require a new deal that raises Mexican wage levels and environmental standards and eliminates NAFTA’s job and investment offshoring incentives and ban on Buy American procurement.

Replacing NAFTA is important, but with China counting for half of the U.S. trade deficit, it is odd that Trump has not announced an end to negotiations almost completed by the Obama administration for a U.S.-China bilateral agreement that includes the job offshoring incentives at the heart of NAFTA or  declared China a currency manipulator on his first day as promised.

It’s ironic that Trump is the beneficiary of the “Fast Track” trade authority narrowly enacted by congressional supporters of NAFTA. By delegating away its constitution trade authority, Congress has empowered Trump to unilaterally launch NAFTA renegotiations or create new bilateral deals with Mexico and Canada; determine the contents, sign and enter into deals before Congress gets a vote; and then write implementing legislation and force congressional consideration in 90 days with amendments forbidden and Senate supermajority rules suspended.

Under the Fast Track rules, Trump needed to have given notice on Monday, Jan. 31, to be able to start NAFTA renegotiations within his first 100 days as promised.

If the 500 official U.S. trade advisers representing corporate interests who have had a privileged role in developing our past trade deals, including NAFTA, remain in place to shape NAFTA renegotiations, the resulting deal not only could be more damaging to working people, but – like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – become impossible to enact.

Even with Fast Track, Trump requires House and Senate majorities to enact a NAFTA redo. Most congressional GOP and their corporate allies support the offshoring incentives and other terms that must be eliminated if Trump is to deliver on his deficit reduction and job growth goals. Building a congressional majority requires that a NAFTA replacement exclude terms that would alienate congressional Democrats who for decades have promoted NAFTA alternatives to expand trade without undermining American jobs and wages, access to affordable medicine, food safety or environmental protections. (See Citizens Trade Campaign’s Jan. 13 letter to Trump and U.S. Rep. Rosa DeLauro’s Jan. 3 letter to Trump on what must be in a NAFTA replacement for it to provide broad benefits.)

Many congressional Republicans and the corporations that have rigged past deals view NAFTA renegotiation as a means to revive aspects of the TPP. This includes limits on generic competition that bring down medicine prices for consumers. Including such terms would eliminate Democratic support.

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Farm & Food groups call for new way on NAFTA

Subtitle:  U.S.-Mexico relations should be based on fair trade, not xenophobia Language:  English IATP author(s):  Karen Hansen-Kuhn Josh Wise File:  2017 NAFTA Principles IATP et al.pdf Excerpt/exec summary:  Washington, DC – President Trump’s call to build a wall between the U.S. and Mexico has unsurprisingly incited the worst political crisis between the two countries in decades. That action, and the notion that a tax on Mexican imports (and U.S. consumers) could pay for the barrier, willfully ignore the real causes of declining livelihoods and increasing inequality, especially in rural areas.   President Trump...

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President Trump’s Executive Orders Formally Bury TPP’s Corpse, but What About TTIP, TISA, China BIT?

Eyes on Trade - 23 January, 2017 - 17:12

President Trump’s Executive Orders Formally Bury TPP’s Corpse, but What About TTIP, TISA, China BIT?

Statement of Lori Wallach, Director, Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch

Formally withdrawing from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) will bury the moldering corpse of a deal that couldn’t gain majority support in Congress, but the question is going forward will President Trump’s new trade policies create American jobs and reduce our damaging trade deficit while raising wages and protecting the environment and public health not just here but also in trade partner nations?

If President Trump intends to replace our failed trade policy, a first step must be to end negotiations now underway for more deals based on the damaging NAFTA/TPP model so its notable that today’s announcement did not end talks to establish the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, the Trade in Services Agreement and the U.S.-China Bilateral Investment Treaty – all of which would replicate and expand the TPP/NAFTA model Trump says he is ending.

President Trump also repeatedly has said he would launch NAFTA renegotiations immediately and withdraw from NAFTA if he cannot make it “a lot better” for working people. NAFTA renegotiation could be an opportunity to create a new trade model that benefits more people, but if done wrong, it could increase job offshoring, push down wages and expand the protections NAFTA provides to the corporate interests that shaped the original deal.

Even with the Fast Track authority Trump inherits, to pass a NAFTA replacement he must ensure its terms enjoy support from most congressional Democrats and a subset of Republicans. Most congressional Republicans and many people Trump has named to senior positions passionately support the very agreements Trump opposes. Most congressional Democrats have opposed deals like TPP and NAFTA and for decades promoted alternatives that expand trade without undermining American jobs and wages, access to affordable medicine, food safety or environmental protections.

NAFTA is packed with incentives for job offshoring and protections for the corporate interests that helped to shape it, so to make NAFTA better for people and the planet will require it to be replaced, not tweaked. To remedy – not worsen – NAFTA’s damage, both the old negotiating process and the contents must be replaced. To put the needs of working people, their communities, the environment and public health over the demands of the special interests that have dominated U.S. trade policymaking, the 500 official U.S. trade advisers representing corporate interests who called the shots on past agreements must be benched.

If corporate elites are allowed to dictate how NAFTA is renegotiated, the deal could become even more damaging to working people and the environment in the three countries. Absent high labor and environmental standards, requirements for more North American content in products could increase U.S. job offshoring. The corporate interests that have rigged past trade deals say NAFTA renegotiation is how they will revive the special protections they achieved in the TPP, for instance limits on competition from generic drugs so pharmaceutical firms can keep medicine prices high.  (See Citizens Trade Campaign’s Jan. 13  letter to Trump and U.S. Rep. Rosa DeLauro’s Jan. 3 letter to Trump on what must be in a NAFTA replacement for it to provide broad benefits.)

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Trump’s Proposed Ag Secretary Falls Short on Agriculture’s Big Challenges

Language:  English IATP author(s):  Ben Lilliston File:  IATP Statement on Perdue USDA Nomination.pdf Minneapolis/Washington–One day before his inauguration, President-elect Donald Trump finally announced his nominee to run the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The selection, former Georgia Governor Sonny Perdue, has no substantial record in addressing several critical challenges for farmers and rural communities: three straight years of plunging farm incomes and rising farm debt; building resilience on the farm and in rural communities to climate change; and the impact on farmers and ranchers of increasing corporate control of agricultural prices and costs. “It’s deeply troubling and telling that President-elect Trump’s selection to lead the agency most important to...

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Rural Minnesotans build community solutions to climate change

Language:  English IATP author(s):  Anna Claussen Author(s) (external):  Andrew Rockway, (651) 209-7672, arockway@jefferson-center.org File:  State Convening Report press release FINAL.pdf Minneapolis, MN–The Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy (IATP) and the Jefferson Center, today, released a report detailing two years of work in Greater Minnesota to build community solutions to climate change.   Minnesota’s rural communities face disproportionate risk from climate change. Despite their importance, rural communities have too often been overlooked in climate conversations, and policy discussions have tended to emphasize urban and suburban perspectives. The report comes after a statewide meeting of...

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Choice of Robert Lighthizer as USTR Strengthens Prospects for a New Approach to U.S. Trade Policy

Eyes on Trade - 3 January, 2017 - 16:51

Former Reagan Trade Official and Longtime Critic of Dogmatic “Free-Trade” Republicans Nominated to Join Trump Cabinet Packed With TPP Proponents

WASHINGTON, D.C. — The nomination of Robert Lighthizer to be U.S. Trade Representative signals President-elect Donald Trump’s interest in altering the trade policy approach that has prevailed through Republican and Democratic administrations for the past two decades. Lighthizer has consistently noted that historically Republicans favored trade policies designed to obtain specific national economic goals and criticized the Republican Party’s rigid support over recent decades of “free trade” ideology. His views put him at odds with most of Trump’s other high-level appointees who represent the very perspective on trade that Lighthizer has long critiqued.

“Lighthizer is very knowledgeable about both technical trade policy and the ways of Washington, but what sets him apart among high-level Republican trade experts is that for decades his views seemed to be shaped by the pragmatic outcomes of trade agreements and policies rather than fealty to any particular ideology or theory,” said Lori Wallach, director of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch. “I don’t know that he would agree with progressive critics of our status quo trade policies about alternative approaches, but he also has had quite a different perspective on trade policy than the Republican congressional leaders and most of Trump’s other cabinet nominees who have supported the TPP and every past trade deal.”

President-elect Donald Trump has filled many top administration posts with proponents of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a pact that Trump railed against during his campaign. Trump appointees who publicly advocated for the TPP include Wilbur Ross (Secretary of Commerce), Exxon Mobil CEO Rex Tillerman (Secretary of State), Gov. Terry Branstad (Ambassador to China), Gen. James Mattis (Secretary of Defense) and Goldman Sachs President Gary Cohn (Director of National Economic Council) – not to mention Vice-President-elect Mike Pence.

“Thankfully there was never a congressional majority for the TPP in the 10 months after it was signed so the TPP was dead before the election,” said Wallach. “But even so, most of Trump’s cabinet members will be inclined to grab the shovel from Trump’s hands before he can bury the TPP’s moldering corpse by formally withdrawing the U.S. as a signatory.”

Other prominent TPP supporters nominated to join the Trump administration include:

  • Rick Perry – TPP supporter named Secretary of Energy
  • Ryan Zinke – Supporter of Fast Track for TPP named Secretary of Interior
  • Tom Price – Supporter of Fast Track for TPP named Secretary of Health & Human Services
  • Ben Carson – TPP supporter named Secretary of Housing and Urban Development
  • Elaine Chao – TPP supporter named Secretary of Transportation
  • Mike Pompeo – TPP supporter named CIA Director
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TPP Would Have Proved Useless in Countering China’s Ambitions

Eyes on Trade - 21 December, 2016 - 14:43

New Report Shows Systematic Failure of Past Trade Pacts Sold with Foreign Policy Claims about China’s Conduct, Improved Labor Rights, and U.S. Global Leadership Now Being Recycled to Warn about TPP’s Demise

WASHINGTON, D.C. – It remains to be seen whether Donald Trump will withdraw the United States’ signature from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) on his first day in office as promised, but the dire warnings emanating from TPP supporters in response to the pact’s inability to obtain majority support in Congress recycle almost verbatim foreign policy claims that have proved baseless, a new report published today by Public Citizen shows. China’s rise poses real challenges for the United States, but a comprehensive review of foreign policy-related claims made to sell past U.S. trade agreements shows that trade agreements have systematically failed to forestall posited foreign policy threats or deliver promised benefits.

“The economic arguments for the TPP failed, it could not garner majority support in Congress and now its supporters are resurrecting the same old zombie foreign policy arguments in an attempt to stave off its final burial,” said Lori Wallach, director of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch.

In extensive side-by-side tables, the report reviews four categories of foreign policy arguments used for decades to sell the controversial trade-policy-of-the-moment, from the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to China Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) to the TPP. Congress and the public are warned that an agreement’s implementation is essential to counter China’s ambitions and let the United States write the rules of the road, maintain U.S. global leadership, export U.S. values such as human and labor rights and enhance U.S. national security.

Such claims helped pass previous trade deals that they were employed to sell. As a result, we can examine the actual outcomes of the claims and document that they have proven uniformly false.

“If future U.S. presidents want to pass the trade agreements that they negotiate, then they must deliver deals that provide economic benefits to most Americans,” said Wallach. “Trying to scare up support for a trade deal by raising the same old parade of foreign policy horrors that allegedly will result if is not implemented is not a winning strategy and even more so because these very claims have proved false.”

The research for the report showed the most overlap between TPP claims and those made during the 2000 China PNTR fight. Indeed, a 2000 quote from then-U.S. Senator John Kerry (D-MA) on China PNTR and a 2016 quote from Secretary of State Kerry on the TPP, are almost identical. But implementation of China PNTR did not, in fact, provide a counter pressure to China's authoritarian government, improve human and labor rights, or enhance China’s cooperation on an array of national security challenges. The actual result was just the opposite.

The report also reviews various U.S. trade pacts with Latin American that were also sold as necessary to keep China (or Japan) from dominating the region, politically and economically, and as vital to improving democracy and human rights in trade partner countries. Yet the very foreign policy (and economic) threats that the deals’ passage was promised to forestall, occurred regardless, while the touted improvements in human rights failed to materialize.

“With a robust debate about the TPP’s actual terms, and the rising public awareness of the pact’s real threats, the foreign policy scare tactics failed this time,” Wallach said. “But that has not stopped TPP proponents from repeating them endlessly in response to the TPP’s demise as if somehow that will revive the deal.”

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CETA: Selling Off the Farm

Language:  English IATP author(s):  Shefali Sharma File:  2016_12_19_CETA_KeyPoints.pdf Key Points TTIP through the Backdoor: Agribusiness counting on CETA’s regulatory cooperation agenda for the bulk of the benefits AFTER implementation EU meat labeling scheme under threat through CETA. Post-NAFTA, the North American meat industry is highly integrated and forced the U.S. to repeal country of origin labeling (COOL) European producers priced out of market due to market failure and unfair competition ICS: Agribusiness Right to Sue Governments I. TTIP through the Backdoor: Agribusiness counting on CETA’s (de) regulatory cooperation agenda for the bulk of the benefits A. The Canadian Cattlemen’s Association (CCA), a key industry lobby group, is counting on de-regulation of the...

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Selling Off the Farm: Translated reports and executive summaries

Language:  English   English version Download the report in English.               German translation Download the report in German / Den Bericht auf Deutsch herunterladen Press release for the German translation               Hungarian translation Download the report in Hungarian / Töltse le a jelentést a magyar Press release for the Hungarian translation Polish translation Download the report in Polish / Pobierz raport w języku polskim

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Selling Off the Farm: Speakers tour on CETA, TTIP and Trump

Language:  English Tour overview | Tour schedule | Tour blogs | Tour media coverage |Tour map | Tour Partners |Tour speakers | Translated papers Tour overview Startling changes have taken place this year in the realm of governance. British citizens voted to leave the European Union, the United States elected Donald Trump for President—an outcome unimaginable for many of us. In Europe, as well as elsewhere, a wave of right wing leaders and parties are moving into positions of power or at least of prominence. In the midst of these political shifts is growing public disenchantment with the neo-liberal project and the free trade agreements that give transnational corporations more rights than governments. Disappointment in elected officials that promise greater equity, but act in favor of corporations; the increasing infringement on democratic processes by free trade treaties crafted for and with...

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The TPP Would Have Proved Useless in Countering China’s Risky Ambitions

Eyes on Trade - 15 December, 2016 - 21:10

The recent demise of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is being called a foreign policy disaster by its backers in the United States and abroad, which is notable because for years the agreement was sold as an economic panacea.

But by the summer of 2016, it became increasingly apparent that the economic case for the final TPP deal signed in February had proved unconvincing. Months of intensive White House and corporate lobbying had failed to build majority support in Congress. So, the TPP’s proponents shifted to foreign policy arguments to try to scare up the votes, a tactic that has been systematically employed in past contentious trade fights. They argued that failure to implement the TPP would hurt U.S. national security, allow China to write the rules for commerce in Asia instead of spreading U.S. values across the Pacific, undermine U.S. global leadership, and strengthen China.

Donald Trump’s declaration that he would withdraw the U.S. signature from the TPP,[i] formally burying the moldering deal, unleashed another wave of the same fraught foreign policy claims.

If many of these arguments sound familiar, it’s because they are. This report reviews two decades of U.S. trade debates, revealing the regular resurrection of the same zombie foreign policy and national security justifications, in nearly identical verbiage. The tables below compare quotes by prominent supporters of past trade deals with more recent quotes about the TPP and review the outcomes of old claims. The prospect that an agreement may not be implemented has been routinely characterized as benefitting our adversaries – such as China. Passing an agreement is declared to be essential to maintaining U.S. leadership in the world, to exporting “American values” to other countries, and to improving human rights everywhere.

These arguments helped to pass some trade agreements. So we can study whether those previous pacts’ enactment did, in fact, deliver these promised benefits. When Congress debated granting Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) to China to facilitate its admission to the World Trade Organization (WTO), proponents claimed doing so would be a foreign policy cure-all. It would moderate China’s authoritarian government, improve human and labor rights, and enhance China’s cooperation on an array of national security challenges while also ensuring new access to Chinese markets that would create U.S. jobs. The actual result was just the opposite, and the argument became known as “The China Fantasy.”[ii] Various U.S. trade pacts with Latin American were also sold as necessary to keep China (or Japan) from dominating the region politically and economically, and as vital to improving democracy and human rights in trade partner countries. Yet the very foreign policy (and economic) threats that the deals’ passage was promised to forestall occurred regardless, while the touted improvements in human rights failed to materialize.

Managing the U.S. relationship with a rising China is a real challenge, but the TPP and similar trade deals have never been the right tool for securing America’s future.

To read the report, please click here

  

[i] Nicky Wolf, Justin Curry, and Benjamin Hass, The Guardian, “Trump to Withdraw from Trans-Pacific Partnership on First Day in Office,” November 22, 2016. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/nov/21/donald-trump-100-days-plans-video-trans-pacific-partnership-withdraw.

[ii] James Mann, The China Fantasy: How Our Leaders Explain Away Chinese Repression,” (New York: Viking Penguin, 2007).

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Pobierz raport w języku polskim

Language:  Polish / Polski File:  wyprzedaz gospodarstw_pl_druk.pdf

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IATP Statement: Derailment of TPP is a victory for Fair Trade Advocates

Language:  English IATP author(s):  Josh Wise File:  2016_11_15_TPP_Victory.pdf Minneapolis – The derailment of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in the lame duck session of Congress marks powerful progress toward fair trade. Since 2010, the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, working with a coalition of human rights, environmental, labor and family farm organizations—indeed, nearly all of civil society—has been raising concerns about the TPP. At first, we said this deal must be unlike any previous U.S. trade agreement. It must place the benefit of our communities ahead of corporate profit. TPP did not do that, so we opposed it in no uncertain terms. This work is not done. The worst aspects of TPP may still come back in new forms and with new threats. We must...

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TPP RIP

Eyes on Trade - 15 November, 2016 - 20:29

 Statement of Lori Wallach, Director, Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch on the Demise of the Trans-Pacific Partnership in the Lame-Duck Session of Congress

The news that the White House and Republican congressional leaders have given up on passing the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is welcome. That the TPP would be defeated by Congress if brought to a vote signals that Trojan-horse “trade” agreements that expand corporate power and shrink Americans’ wages are simply no longer politically viable. People power beat the united forces of a U.S. president, the Republican congressional leaders and the entire corporate lobby.

The unremitting push by the Obama administration for the TPP right through this election helped to elect Donald Trump, but Trump has not derailed the TPP – people power united across borders did that. Six years of relentless, strategic campaigning by an international movement of people from the TPP countries united across borders to fight against corporate power is why the TPP is all but dead.  

Thanks to years of campaigning by people across this country, since its February 2016 signing, the TPP could not garner a majority of support in the U.S. House of Representatives. And it was clear that the TPP was in trouble in 2015, when Fast Track authority for the TPP barely squeaked through Congress.

The TPP’s signing was delayed for years by vibrant civil society movements in other TPP nations that pushed their governments to reject TPP terms expanding investor rights, monopolies for pharmaceutical firms, financial deregulation and other threats. That meant time to organize, organize, organize. Over those years, millions of Americans helped to educate and organize their friends, families, and colleagues to demand their representatives opposed the TPP.

That the TPP pushed by the most powerful forces in the world is not being implemented represents the American public’s resounding rejection of  trade policies that not only failed to live up to its proponents’ promises over the past 20 years, but caused real damage to working people and the environment.

The only way forward is to create new rules of the road for globalization that put people and the planet first while harvesting the benefits of expanded trade. And we must roll back the existing “trade” deals and extreme investor-state dispute settlement regime that have caused people and the planet so much damage. The coalition that stopped the TPP is powerful and united and will fight forward to deliver that change. And, we will be ready to take on any attempt to revive the TPP or advance other corporate-friendly trade pacts based on the same failed and outdated model of trade.

For a review of the six-year international campaign against the TPP, please read https://medium.com/@citizenstrade/no-trump-didnt-kill-the-tpp-progressives-did-884b534542d#.175otqc1j

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Latest TPP Peril: President Donald Trump

Eyes on Trade - 10 November, 2016 - 14:28

The election of President Donald Trump, and the slew of exit polls showing Americans’ ire over our failed trade policies that fueled that outcome, should dissuade Republican congressional leaders from pushing the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in the lame-duck session of Congress that starts next week. We will know by Thanksgiving if that is the case.

But even if the TPP never goes into effect, its damage will be felt worldwide - in the form of the election of President Donald Trump.

Yes, many factors contributed to this outcome. But it was not all racists and other haters who elected Trump. It was also a lot of working class voters who supported President Barack Obama twice. Hillary Clinton suffered her biggest losses in the places where Obama was strongest among white voters.

Did we have to get to this to end the era of smug Democratic and Republican political elites scoffing at the notion that trade is a salient political issue - and relentlessly pushing more of the same policies to the detriment of a voting bloc otherwise known as a majority of our fellow Americans?

Michael Moore proved to be spot on when he warned that Trump would win - and why. Do not underestimate the fury and desperation of tens of millions of Americans whose lives and communities have been devastated by bipartisan complicity in an agenda of corporate empowerment, job-killing trade agreements and Wall Street ravages, he wrote in an essay well worth a read.

Do not assume that these voters will focus on the messenger being a multinational corporation masquerading as a racist, misogynistic, narcissistic man (my description, not Moore’s) when they finally hear the message they have long awaited: yes, you have been screwed by Washington; yes I know your economic future was crushed by bad trade deals and Apple and Ford will pay if they move more jobs offshore; yes, the political establishment needs Molotov-cocktail accountability and I am that guy.

Do not imagine, Moore cautioned, that the millennials’ passion for Bernie Sander, a very different but also improbably successful (from the political establishments’ perspective), anti-establishment messenger of economic populism will translate into enthusiasm for the ultimate Democratic establishment nominee.

That Hillary Clinton, an impressive, capable and intelligent woman, proved a perfect foil as The Establishment was not all her doing. Bill Clinton sowed the wind with NAFTA, his China trade deal and Wall Street deregulation that reaped the whirlwind for Hilary Clinton.

This is a reality with which the Democratic Party must reckon. Through the lens of a Trump victory delivered by traditional Democratic base working class voters in Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Michigan and Ohio, the shift in polling over the past several years showing Democrats more favorable than GOP voters to the TPP and past trade deals require careful study.

Have “Democratic voters” opinions about the same old trade policies that deliver more corporate power and fewer good American jobs really gotten rosier? Or, does that polling data reflect changes in the composition of who now considers themselves to be a Democrat?

Given polling shows that Independents’ views on trade closely mimic those of GOP voters, perhaps that bloc of working class voters that is a necessary component of a winning presidential coalition has maintained a steady view on trade. But witnessing President Obama enthusiastically push a slew of the same sort of trade deals they hate akin to those President Clinton enacted in the 1990s signaled that the Democratic Party no longer had a place for them and they accordingly no longer consider themselves Democrats.

This is worth considering in the context of the TPP effect on this election. The TPP did not elect Trump per se.

But with no small thanks to President Obama’s relentless, high-profile campaign throughout the primaries and general election to pass the pact, the TPP pact readily served as a potent symbol of business-as-usual in Washington and its facilitation of growing corporate power over every facet of our lives.

The TPP seems like something from an overwritten dystopian novel: It covers 40 percent of the global economy, yet it was negotiated in secret with hundreds of corporate advisors while the public was locked out. The TPP’s key provision grants new rights to thousands of multinational corporations to sue the U.S. government before a panel of three corporate lawyers. These lawyers can award the corporations unlimited sums to be paid by America’s taxpayers, including for the loss of expected future profits, and their decisions are not subject to appeal. The corporations need only convince the lawyers that a U.S. environmental law, financial regulation or pro-consumer court ruling violates the new rights that the TPP would grant them.

No doubt that Trump’s sweep of midwestern and southern states was accompanied by exit polls showing the power of his attack on our failed trade policy. Or that the Reuters/Ipsos election day poll found 72 percent agree “the American economy is rigged to advantage the rich and powerful,” while 68 percent agree that “traditional parties and politicians don’t care about people like me,” and 75 percent agree that “America needs a strong leader to take the country back from the rich and powerful.”

Consider the poll released last week by Greenberg, Quinlan and Rosner showing fully 68 percent of GOP voters (34 percent with intensity), and 60 percent of all voters would punish a member of Congress supporting the TPP in the lame-duck session. While this sentiment was strongest among Republicans, it spanned the political spectrum and included majorities of all segments of the “rising electorate,” millennials, minorities and unmarried women.

What happens next? At least as far as the TPP is considered, it’s the call of House Speaker Paul Ryan. In the coming days he must decide whether to bring the TPP to a vote in the lame-duck Congress.

Would Paul Ryan risk jeopardizing his hold on power in the House and remain a credible future presidential candidate if he pushes something overwhelmingly opposed by his party’s base voters? And more practically, with 16 GOP House members that voted to give President Obama Fast Track authority for the TPP in 2015 having mid-election conversions to TPP opposition and others who weathered the wrath of trade voters in this cycle worrying about the 2018 primaries, could he muster the votes? (House Democrats who opposed Fast Track have remained consistent in opposing the TPP, so passing the TPP would rely on the Republicans.)

Undoubtedly House GOP will note the electoral success of improbable GOP down-ticket converts to TPP opposition, such as former U.S. Trade Representative and now U.S. Sen. Rob Portman (R-Ohio), Sen. Pat Toomey (R-Pa.), and Sen. Richard Burr (R-N.C.) in contrast to the defeat of Rep. Joe Heck (R-Nev.) who supported Fast Track and refused to reveal his position on TPP (read: support) as his opponent, now the Senator-election, campaigned against it. (Also noteworthy: in this wave election, the only congressional Democrat who may lose is Rep. Brad Ashford (D-NE), one of few Democrats to vote in favor of fast tracking TPP approval.)

On the other hand, the Chamber of Commerce and the GOP donor class are clamoring for a TPP vote.

Stay tuned...

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In the battle to win the TPP, has Obama forgotten the lessons of the Vietnam War?

Language:  English Author(s) (external):  Written by Alejandro Villamar /RMALC- Coalition Mexico Better Without TPP. Translated from the Spanish by Steve Suppan and Karen Hansen-Kuhn, IATP File:  2016_11_03_TPP_Lessons_SS_KHK.pdf Barack Obama continues to claim that he will manage to get the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) passed by Congress before the end of his presidential term on January 19, 2017. Squads of White House officials and former officials are organizing intensive meetings with business groups and foreign governments and assuring them that the other 11 TPP member countries will ratify the agreement before the end of the year. Meanwhile, Latin American trade officials and their “experts” robotically repeat Obama’s message and that of his...

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DECLARACIÓN sobre NAMA

Our World Is Not For Sale - 29 April, 2009 - 20:09
Currently accepting signatories:  Accept signatories AttachmentSize OWINFS_NAMA_final_es.zip7.76 KB

DECLARACIÓN sobre NAMA
Red Nuestro Mundo No Está en Venta (OWINFS)

¡No permitamos que la OMC destruya las industrias de los países en desarrollo y subaste nuestros recursos naturales!

Mucha gente sabe que la Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC)
abre los mercados de los servicios y la agricultura con efectos
negativos para los agricultores, los servicios públicos y el
medioambiente en todo el mundo. Pero la OMC ahora quiere poner a la
venta el resto del planeta, a través de un nuevo acuerdo sobre Acceso a
los Mercados para los Productos No Agrícolas (conocido como NAMA por su
sigla en inglés) que se está negociando actualmente como parte de la
‘Ronda Doha’ de negociaciones comerciales, y mediante el cual los
gobiernos pretenden liberalizar todos los sectores restantes de la vida económica de nuestras sociedades.

El acuerdo NAMA contiene propuestas que restringirían severamente
la capacidad de los gobiernos para ejecutar políticas nacionales de
interés público y por el bien común, incluso políticas diseñadas para
apoyar a los productores de los países del Sur generalmente más débiles
y de menor porte. También podría obligar a los países que aplican los
aranceles más altos (es decir, la mayoría de los países en desarrollo)
a realizar los recortes más profundos y los mayores compromisos, aun
cuando eso podría debilitar a industrias y sectores económicos clave en
esos países. Si a esto se le suma el hecho que la OMC efectivamente
‘encierra’ sin salida a los países mediante estos acuerdos de libre
comercio, queda muy claro que el NAMA representa una amenaza muy grande
para los países que ya están bregando por desarrollar sus economías y
sortear la carga injusta e insostenible de la deuda externa.

Nosotros, las organizaciones abajo firmantes, estamos unidos en
oposición a este nuevo intento de abrir mercados para beneficio de las
empresas transnacionales y a costa de la pequeña y mediana industria y
productores, las economías y culturas locales y el medioambiente. Hay
que frenar las propuestas de NAMA y llevar a cabo estudios exhaustivos
sobre los potenciales efectos sociales, ambientales, sobre el empleo y
en materia de desarrollo y equidad de género.

Por eso exhortamos a los gobiernos a:

  • Detener las negociaciones sobre el NAMA y acordar al
    realización de una revisión exhaustiva e independiente acerca de los
    efectos potenciales del NAMA para el desarrollo económico, la
    diversificación productiva industrial de los países en desarrollo, el
    medioambiente y el bienestar social (incluidos empleo, salud y equidad
    de género);
  • Reconocer y garantizar el espacio político
    necesario y las flexibilidades con que deben contar los gobiernos,
    preservando su derecho a emplear herramientas políticas, incluso
    medidas comerciales cuyo fin sea generar economías justas y
    sustentables, proteger y promover el empleo, el bienestar social, la
    salud y el medioambiente al tiempo que se garantiza la participación de
    la ciudadanía;
  • Fomentar la conservación y el manejo
    sustentable de los recursos naturales incluso mediante la decisión de
    frenar la liberalización del comercio de bienes tales como los bosques,
    los peces, el petróleo, el gas, los metales y los minerales.  

Efectos del NAMA en la industria y el desempleo de los países en desarrollo

  • El recorte general y acelerado de los aranceles de
    importación y otras medidas propuestas en el marco del acuerdo sobre el
    NAMA amenazan con impedir la industrialización de los países en
    desarrollo, a los cuales no se les permitiría proteger a sus
    vulnerables industrias locales contra la competencia de  grandes
    empresas extranjeras transnacionales que pueden producir masivamente
    grandes cantidades de productos baratos (siendo que los países hoy
    industrializados emplearon frugalmente medidas de comercio cuando sus
    propias industrias nacionales necesitaban ese tipo de apoyo para
    desarrollarse).
  • El cierre  de industrias y pequeños
    talleres locales como consecuencia de la presión que suponen las
    importaciones a precios más bajos llevaría a incrementar el desempleo.
    La liberalización del comercio impuesta por el FMI-Banco Mundial 
    mediante sus programas de ajuste estructural ya tuvo efectos
    desastrosos para el empleo en África, Asia y algunos países de América
    Latina.
  • Combinada con la des-industrialización, la
    liberalización de los recursos naturales prevista por el NAMA (que
    incluiría la pesca, la minería y los bosques y la silvicultura) también
    podría empujar a los países a una mayor dependencia de la exportación
    de materias primas que generan relativamente pocas ganancias, en lugar
    de contribuir a la diversificación de sus economías.  Cualquier aumento
    del volumen de captura en la pesca sería especialmente dañino, ya que
    conduciría a índices crecientes de desempleo, pobreza y desnutrición
    para los miles de millones de personas que dependen de los recursos
    marinos para su alimentación y sustento.
  • Los países en
    desarrollo también se verían privados de los ingresos que hoy perciben
    por concepto de aranceles comerciales (impuestos aduaneros). Esto es de
    importancia capital, ya que muchos de esos gobiernos dependen en buena
    medida de esos ingresos para costear servicios sociales esenciales.
  • El acuerdo sobre el NAMA empujaría asimismo a los países en desarrollo
    a una situación en la que tendrían que importar más, al mismo tiempo
    que exportarían menos a consecuencia de la des-industrialización,
    generándoles así crecientes déficit comercial y un deterioro sostenido
    de su balanza externa de pagos.

Explotación creciente de recursos naturales

Las negociaciones sobre el NAMA representan una seria amenaza
general al medioambiente, y la mayoría de los países ignoran los
efectos ambientales y sociales adversos que supondría potencialmente la
liberalización del comercio en materias primas. Todos los
recursos naturales están incluidos en las negociaciones del NAMA –y
algunos sectores como la pesca y la minería de oro, de diamantes y
aluminio incluso están propuestos para su liberalización completa.

  • La liberalización creciente de las materias primas podría
    conllevar mayor explotación y comercio de recursos naturales escasos, y
    privar a los gobiernos de su capacidad para emplear medidas comerciales
    a fin de administrar sus reservas de manera sustentable y por el bien
    común.
  • El acuerdo sobre el NAMA podría restringir el uso
    de aranceles u otras herramientas comerciales en manos de los gobiernos
    para preservar los medios de sustento de millones de pescadores
    artesanales en todo el mundo y garantizar que los pueblos de los países
    en desarrollo puedan seguir contando con la pesca como fuente
    importante de proteínas.
  • Los gobiernos tendrían menos
    espacio para utilizar medidas comerciales con el fin de proteger
    poblaciones de peces en peligro de extinción. Al mismo tiempo, la
    liberalización del comercio podría fortalecer aún más a las industrias
    de procesamiento de pescado y acuicultura, sin tener en cuenta los
    impactos sobre los derechos humanos y la contaminación de los ambientes
    costeros.

Leyes nacionales y espacio para la formulación de políticas en riesgo

Muchos gobiernos están usando el acuerdo sobre el NAMA y otras
negociaciones en el seno de la OMC para atacar legítimas normas no
comerciales de protección del medioambiente, el bienestar social y la
salud en todas partes. Ellos sostienen que estas llamadas “barreras al
comercio” obstruyen de algún modo las exportaciones de las empresas
transnacionales. Hay leyes sobre alimentos y medicinas, pesca, madera y
petróleo, eficiencia energética, pruebas químicas, reciclaje y normas
de calidad de las industrias electrónica y automotriz que han sido
colocadas en la lista como parte de las negociaciones de NAMA,
aparentemente por orden directa de las empresas que seguramente se
beneficiarán con su eliminación. Este ataque concertado a las
reglamentaciones hace caso omiso de la necesidad de utilizar normas
legales para proteger y promover la salud y bienestar de la ciudadanía,
conservar los recursos naturales y frenar el cambio climático.

Conclusiones 

Las negociaciones sobre el NAMA se están llevando a un ritmo tan
veloz que impide la participación efectiva de los gobiernos con menos
recursos y personal, y más aún que estos realicen los estudios
necesarios sobre el impacto potencial de un nuevo acuerdo de NAMA en
sus economías, los trabajadores y el medioambiente. Aun cuando los
Países Menos Adelantados disponen de algunas exoneraciones limitadas en
la actual ronda de negociaciones, ellas no son suficientes para
garantizar su desarrollo futuro.

En realidad, lo que se pretende imponer ahora es exactamente
contrapuesto al acuerdo para el “desarrollo” que  le vendieron a los
países en desarrollo en la Conferencia Ministerial de la OMC en Doha en
2001. En esa reunión, a los países en desarrollo se les prometió que no
tendrían que ceder tanto como los países más ricos. Pero en las
negociaciones actuales sobre el NAMA se les está exigiendo realizar
mayores “ajustes” y adaptaciones que a los países altamente
industrializados, y tomar riesgos mucho mayores respecto de su
producción actual y sus perspectivas futuras de desarrollo. Los
ministros de comercio de los países del África, el Caribe y el Pacífico
(ACP) ya han expresado claramente que les “preocupa que las
propuestas contenidas en el texto de Derbez y su anexo sobre [los
textos de negociación de] el NAMA … profundizarán aún más la crisis de
la des-industrialización y acentuarán el desempleo y la crisis de la
pobreza en nuestros países
”. Sin embargo, a pesar de estas
declaraciones de evidente preocupación, sus puntos de vista han sido
descaradamente ignorados por los países industrializados y los
responsables de forzar el avance de estas propuestas extremas. No se
puede permitir que esta situación continúe.  Por eso exhortamos a los
gobiernos a:

  • Detener las negociaciones sobre el NAMA y acordar al
    realización de una revisión exhaustiva e independiente acerca de los
    efectos potenciales del NAMA para el desarrollo económico, la
    diversificación productiva industrial de los países en desarrollo, el
    medioambiente y el bienestar social (incluidos empleo, salud y equidad
    de género);
  • Reconocer y garantizar el espacio político
    necesario y las flexibilidades con que deben contar los gobiernos,
    preservando su derecho a emplear herramientas políticas, incluso
    medidas comerciales cuyo fin sea generar economías justas y
    sustentables, proteger y promover el empleo, el bienestar social, la
    salud y el medioambiente al tiempo que se garantiza la participación de
    la ciudadanía;
  • Fomentar la conservación y el manejo
    sustentable de los recursos naturales incluso mediante la decisión de
    frenar la liberalización del comercio de bienes tales como los bosques,
    los peces, el petróleo, el gas, los metales y los minerales.
Categories: Planet Not For Sale

DECLARACIÓN sobre NAMA

Our World Is Not For Sale - 29 April, 2009 - 20:06
Currently accepting signatories:  Accept signatories

DECLARACIÓN sobre NAMA
Red Nuestro Mundo No Está en Venta (OWINFS)

¡No permitamos que la OMC destruya las industrias de los países en desarrollo y subaste nuestros recursos naturales!

Mucha gente sabe que la Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC)
abre los mercados de los servicios y la agricultura con efectos
negativos para los agricultores, los servicios públicos y el
medioambiente en todo el mundo. Pero la OMC ahora quiere poner a la
venta el resto del planeta, a través de un nuevo acuerdo sobre Acceso a
los Mercados para los Productos No Agrícolas (conocido como NAMA por su
sigla en inglés) que se está negociando actualmente como parte de la
‘Ronda Doha’ de negociaciones comerciales, y mediante el cual los
gobiernos pretenden liberalizar todos los sectores restantes de la vida económica de nuestras sociedades.

El acuerdo NAMA contiene propuestas que restringirían severamente
la capacidad de los gobiernos para ejecutar políticas nacionales de
interés público y por el bien común, incluso políticas diseñadas para
apoyar a los productores de los países del Sur generalmente más débiles
y de menor porte. También podría obligar a los países que aplican los
aranceles más altos (es decir, la mayoría de los países en desarrollo)
a realizar los recortes más profundos y los mayores compromisos, aun
cuando eso podría debilitar a industrias y sectores económicos clave en
esos países. Si a esto se le suma el hecho que la OMC efectivamente
‘encierra’ sin salida a los países mediante estos acuerdos de libre
comercio, queda muy claro que el NAMA representa una amenaza muy grande
para los países que ya están bregando por desarrollar sus economías y
sortear la carga injusta e insostenible de la deuda externa.

Nosotros, las organizaciones abajo firmantes, estamos unidos en
oposición a este nuevo intento de abrir mercados para beneficio de las
empresas transnacionales y a costa de la pequeña y mediana industria y
productores, las economías y culturas locales y el medioambiente. Hay
que frenar las propuestas de NAMA y llevar a cabo estudios exhaustivos
sobre los potenciales efectos sociales, ambientales, sobre el empleo y
en materia de desarrollo y equidad de género.

Por eso exhortamos a los gobiernos a:

  • Detener las negociaciones sobre el NAMA y acordar al
    realización de una revisión exhaustiva e independiente acerca de los
    efectos potenciales del NAMA para el desarrollo económico, la
    diversificación productiva industrial de los países en desarrollo, el
    medioambiente y el bienestar social (incluidos empleo, salud y equidad
    de género);
  • Reconocer y garantizar el espacio político
    necesario y las flexibilidades con que deben contar los gobiernos,
    preservando su derecho a emplear herramientas políticas, incluso
    medidas comerciales cuyo fin sea generar economías justas y
    sustentables, proteger y promover el empleo, el bienestar social, la
    salud y el medioambiente al tiempo que se garantiza la participación de
    la ciudadanía;
  • Fomentar la conservación y el manejo
    sustentable de los recursos naturales incluso mediante la decisión de
    frenar la liberalización del comercio de bienes tales como los bosques,
    los peces, el petróleo, el gas, los metales y los minerales.  

Efectos del NAMA en la industria y el desempleo de los países en desarrollo

  • El recorte general y acelerado de los aranceles de
    importación y otras medidas propuestas en el marco del acuerdo sobre el
    NAMA amenazan con impedir la industrialización de los países en
    desarrollo, a los cuales no se les permitiría proteger a sus
    vulnerables industrias locales contra la competencia de  grandes
    empresas extranjeras transnacionales que pueden producir masivamente
    grandes cantidades de productos baratos (siendo que los países hoy
    industrializados emplearon frugalmente medidas de comercio cuando sus
    propias industrias nacionales necesitaban ese tipo de apoyo para
    desarrollarse).
  • El cierre  de industrias y pequeños
    talleres locales como consecuencia de la presión que suponen las
    importaciones a precios más bajos llevaría a incrementar el desempleo.
    La liberalización del comercio impuesta por el FMI-Banco Mundial 
    mediante sus programas de ajuste estructural ya tuvo efectos
    desastrosos para el empleo en África, Asia y algunos países de América
    Latina.
  • Combinada con la des-industrialización, la
    liberalización de los recursos naturales prevista por el NAMA (que
    incluiría la pesca, la minería y los bosques y la silvicultura) también
    podría empujar a los países a una mayor dependencia de la exportación
    de materias primas que generan relativamente pocas ganancias, en lugar
    de contribuir a la diversificación de sus economías.  Cualquier aumento
    del volumen de captura en la pesca sería especialmente dañino, ya que
    conduciría a índices crecientes de desempleo, pobreza y desnutrición
    para los miles de millones de personas que dependen de los recursos
    marinos para su alimentación y sustento.
  • Los países en
    desarrollo también se verían privados de los ingresos que hoy perciben
    por concepto de aranceles comerciales (impuestos aduaneros). Esto es de
    importancia capital, ya que muchos de esos gobiernos dependen en buena
    medida de esos ingresos para costear servicios sociales esenciales.
  • El acuerdo sobre el NAMA empujaría asimismo a los países en desarrollo
    a una situación en la que tendrían que importar más, al mismo tiempo
    que exportarían menos a consecuencia de la des-industrialización,
    generándoles así crecientes déficit comercial y un deterioro sostenido
    de su balanza externa de pagos.

Explotación creciente de recursos naturales

Las negociaciones sobre el NAMA representan una seria amenaza
general al medioambiente, y la mayoría de los países ignoran los
efectos ambientales y sociales adversos que supondría potencialmente la
liberalización del comercio en materias primas. Todos los
recursos naturales están incluidos en las negociaciones del NAMA –y
algunos sectores como la pesca y la minería de oro, de diamantes y
aluminio incluso están propuestos para su liberalización completa.

  • La liberalización creciente de las materias primas podría
    conllevar mayor explotación y comercio de recursos naturales escasos, y
    privar a los gobiernos de su capacidad para emplear medidas comerciales
    a fin de administrar sus reservas de manera sustentable y por el bien
    común.
  • El acuerdo sobre el NAMA podría restringir el uso
    de aranceles u otras herramientas comerciales en manos de los gobiernos
    para preservar los medios de sustento de millones de pescadores
    artesanales en todo el mundo y garantizar que los pueblos de los países
    en desarrollo puedan seguir contando con la pesca como fuente
    importante de proteínas.
  • Los gobiernos tendrían menos
    espacio para utilizar medidas comerciales con el fin de proteger
    poblaciones de peces en peligro de extinción. Al mismo tiempo, la
    liberalización del comercio podría fortalecer aún más a las industrias
    de procesamiento de pescado y acuicultura, sin tener en cuenta los
    impactos sobre los derechos humanos y la contaminación de los ambientes
    costeros.

Leyes nacionales y espacio para la formulación de políticas en riesgo

Muchos gobiernos están usando el acuerdo sobre el NAMA y otras
negociaciones en el seno de la OMC para atacar legítimas normas no
comerciales de protección del medioambiente, el bienestar social y la
salud en todas partes. Ellos sostienen que estas llamadas “barreras al
comercio” obstruyen de algún modo las exportaciones de las empresas
transnacionales. Hay leyes sobre alimentos y medicinas, pesca, madera y
petróleo, eficiencia energética, pruebas químicas, reciclaje y normas
de calidad de las industrias electrónica y automotriz que han sido
colocadas en la lista como parte de las negociaciones de NAMA,
aparentemente por orden directa de las empresas que seguramente se
beneficiarán con su eliminación. Este ataque concertado a las
reglamentaciones hace caso omiso de la necesidad de utilizar normas
legales para proteger y promover la salud y bienestar de la ciudadanía,
conservar los recursos naturales y frenar el cambio climático.

Conclusiones 

Las negociaciones sobre el NAMA se están llevando a un ritmo tan
veloz que impide la participación efectiva de los gobiernos con menos
recursos y personal, y más aún que estos realicen los estudios
necesarios sobre el impacto potencial de un nuevo acuerdo de NAMA en
sus economías, los trabajadores y el medioambiente. Aun cuando los
Países Menos Adelantados disponen de algunas exoneraciones limitadas en
la actual ronda de negociaciones, ellas no son suficientes para
garantizar su desarrollo futuro.

En realidad, lo que se pretende imponer ahora es exactamente
contrapuesto al acuerdo para el “desarrollo” que  le vendieron a los
países en desarrollo en la Conferencia Ministerial de la OMC en Doha en
2001. En esa reunión, a los países en desarrollo se les prometió que no
tendrían que ceder tanto como los países más ricos. Pero en las
negociaciones actuales sobre el NAMA se les está exigiendo realizar
mayores “ajustes” y adaptaciones que a los países altamente
industrializados, y tomar riesgos mucho mayores respecto de su
producción actual y sus perspectivas futuras de desarrollo. Los
ministros de comercio de los países del África, el Caribe y el Pacífico
(ACP) ya han expresado claramente que les “preocupa que las
propuestas contenidas en el texto de Derbez y su anexo sobre [los
textos de negociación de] el NAMA … profundizarán aún más la crisis de
la des-industrialización y acentuarán el desempleo y la crisis de la
pobreza en nuestros países
”. Sin embargo, a pesar de estas
declaraciones de evidente preocupación, sus puntos de vista han sido
descaradamente ignorados por los países industrializados y los
responsables de forzar el avance de estas propuestas extremas. No se
puede permitir que esta situación continúe.  Por eso exhortamos a los
gobiernos a:

  • Detener las negociaciones sobre el NAMA y acordar al
    realización de una revisión exhaustiva e independiente acerca de los
    efectos potenciales del NAMA para el desarrollo económico, la
    diversificación productiva industrial de los países en desarrollo, el
    medioambiente y el bienestar social (incluidos empleo, salud y equidad
    de género);
  • Reconocer y garantizar el espacio político
    necesario y las flexibilidades con que deben contar los gobiernos,
    preservando su derecho a emplear herramientas políticas, incluso
    medidas comerciales cuyo fin sea generar economías justas y
    sustentables, proteger y promover el empleo, el bienestar social, la
    salud y el medioambiente al tiempo que se garantiza la participación de
    la ciudadanía;
  • Fomentar la conservación y el manejo
    sustentable de los recursos naturales incluso mediante la decisión de
    frenar la liberalización del comercio de bienes tales como los bosques,
    los peces, el petróleo, el gas, los metales y los minerales.
Categories: Planet Not For Sale

OWINFS NAMA Statement

Our World Is Not For Sale - 29 April, 2009 - 20:03
Currently accepting signatories:  Accept signatories AttachmentSize OWINFS_NAMA_final_en.zip6.96 KB

Stop the WTO destroying developing country industries and selling off our natural resources!

Many people have heard about the WTO opening up markets in services and
agriculture, with negative impacts on farmers, public services and the
environment world-wide. But now the rest of the world is also up for
sale at the World Trade Organization (WTO), as governments plan to
liberalise all
remaining sectors through a new agreement, known as the
Non-Agricultural Market Access or NAMA agreement, which is being
negotiated as part of the ‘Doha’ round of trade negotiations. 

NAMA contains proposals that would severely curtail governments’
ability to implement domestic policies in the public interest,
including policies designed to support smaller and weaker producers in
the countries of the South. It would also see those countries with the
highest tariffs (that is, the great majority of developing countries)
making the largest cuts and greatest commitments, even though this
could weaken key industries and sectors in those countries. Add to this
the fact that the WTO effectively ‘locks’ countries into these trade
agreements and it is clear that NAMA poses a major threat to those
countries already struggling to develop their economies and deal with
unsustainable and unjust external debt burdens.

We, the undersigned organisations, are united in our opposition to this
new attempt to lever open markets for the benefit of transnational
corporations at the expense of smaller companies and producers, local
economies, cultures and the environment. The NAMA proposals must be
halted and a comprehensive review undertaken of NAMA’s potential
social, developmental, environmental, employment and gender impacts. 

We therefore call on governments to:

  • Halt the NAMA negotiations and agree to a full and independent review
    of NAMA’s potential impacts on economic development, industrial
    diversification in developing countries, the environment and social
    welfare (including employment, health and gender balance);
  • Recognise and guarantee governments’ domestic policy space and
    flexibilities, preserving their right to use policy tools including
    trade measures, that develop fair and sustainable economies, protect
    and promote employment, social welfare, health and the environment and
    guarantee public participation.
  • Promote resource conservation and the sustainable management of natural
    resources including by stopping the further liberalisation of trade in
    natural resources such as forests, fish, oils, gas, metals and
    minerals.

The effects of NAMA on developing country industries and unemployment

  • The rapid and comprehensive reduction in import tariffs and other trade
    measures proposed in NAMA threatens to undercut developing countries’
    ability to industrialise. They would not be able to protect vulnerable
    local businesses from large and well-established overseas corporations
    that are able to mass-produce large quantities of cheap products (trade
    measures were used extensively by industrialised countries when their
    own domestic industries needed such support in order to develop).
  • The closure of local industries and small workshops under pressure from
    cheaper imports would lead to increased unemployment. Trade
    liberalisation has already had disastrous impacts on employment in
    countries in Africa and Asia, under IMF-World Bank structural
    adjustment programs, and in some Latin American countries.
  • Deindustrialization combined with the proposed liberalization of
    natural resources under NAMA (which is planned to include fisheries,
    forestry and mineral resources) could also push countries into
    increasing dependence on commodity exports that generate relatively
    small returns, rather than diversifying their economies.Any
    further pressure on fisheries would be particularly damaging, leading
    to increasing rates of unemployment, poverty and malnutrition for the
    many millions dependent on the world’s marine resources for their
    livelihoods and food.
  • Developing countries would also lose the income they currently receive
    from trade tariffs (customs duties). This is critical, since many such
    governments depend heavily on such revenues to sustain essential social
    services.   
  • NAMA would also push developing countries into a situation in which
    they import more, yet export less as a result of de-industrialization,
    creating growing trade deficits and  deteriorating external balance of
    payments for developing countries.

Increased exploitation of natural resources

The NAMA negotiations pose a broad and significant threat to the
environment with most countries ignoring the potential environmental
and social impacts of liberalising trade in raw materials. All
natural resources are included in the NAMA negotiations and sectors
such as fish, gold, diamonds and primary aluminium have even been
proposed for complete liberalisation.

  • Increased liberalisation in raw materials sectors could lead to
    increased exploitation of and trade in scarce natural resources and
    remove governments’ ability to use trade measures to manage stocks
    sustainably and for the common good.
  • A NAMA deal could limit governments’ use of tariff and other trade
    measures to preserve the livelihoods of millions of fisherfolk around
    the world and ensure that people in developing countries can still rely
    on fish as a key source of protein.
  • There would be less scope for governments to use trade measures to
    protect endangered fish populations. At the same time, trade
    liberalisation could further strengthen industries engaged in fish
    processing and aquaculture, with little regard for their impacts on
    human rights and the pollution of coastal environments.

Threats to national laws and policy space

Many governments are using NAMA and other WTO negotiations to target
legitimate non-commercial laws around the world which protect the
environment, social well-being and health. They argue that these
so-called “barriers to trade” obstruct transnational companies’ exports
in one way or another. Laws covering food and medicines, fisheries,
timber and petroleum, energy efficiency, chemical testing, recycling
and standards in the electronics and automobile industries have all
been listed as part of the NAMA negotiations, seemingly at the direct
behest of those corporations likely to benefit from their removal. This
concerted attack on regulation ignores the need to use regulations to
protect and promote the health and well-being of citizens, conserve
natural resources and stop climate change.

Conclusion

The NAMA negotiations are taking place at a speed that prevents less
well-resourced governments from participating properly in the
negotiations, let alone conducting assessments of the potential impact
of a new NAMA agreement on their economies, workers and environment.
Although the Least Developed Countries have some limited exemptions in
this round of negotiations, this is not enough to safeguard their
future development.

In fact, what is being pushed
is the exact opposite of the “development” deal sold to developing
countries at the WTO’s Doha Ministerial in 2001. At that meeting
developing countries were promised that they would not have to offer up
as much as the richer countries. But in NAMA they are now being
required to make greater "adjustments" than the highly industrialised
countries and take far greater risks with their current production and
future development prospects. Trade ministers of the Africa, Caribbean
and Pacific (ACP) Countries have already clearly stated that they are “concerned
that the proposals contained in the Derbez text and its annex on NAMA
[negotiating texts] … would further deepen the crisis of
de-industrialisation and accentuate the unemployment and poverty crisis
in our countries”.
However, despite this unambiguous expression
of concern, their views have been blatantly ignored by industrialised
countries and those responsible for driving these radical proposals
forward. This situation cannot be allowed to continue. We therefore
call on governments to:

  • Halt
    the NAMA negotiations and agree to a full and independent review of
    NAMA’s potential impacts on economic development, industrial
    diversification in developing countries, the environment and social
    welfare (including employment, health and gender balance);
  • Recognise and guarantee governments’ domestic policy space and
    flexibilities, preserving their right to use policy tools including
    trade measures, that develop fair and sustainable economies, protect
    and promote employment, social welfare, health and the environment and
    guarantee public participation.
  • Promote resource conservation and the sustainable management of natural
    resources including by stopping the further liberalisation of trade in
    natural resources such as forests, fish, oils, gas, metals and
    minerals.
Categories: Planet Not For Sale

Un documento di Unità della OUR WORLD IS NOT FOR SALE Network

Our World Is Not For Sale - 29 April, 2009 - 19:54
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FERMIAMO LA GLOBALIZZAZIONE DELLE MULTINAZIONALI

UN ALTRO MONDO E’ POSSIBILE!

Un documento di Unità della

OUR WORLD IS NOT FOR SALE Network

Rete Il Nostro Mondo Non E’ In Vendita

La nostra Visione, i Principi ed il Programma

INTRODUZIONE: LA NOSTRA SFIDA

“Our World Is Not For Sale (OWINFS)” è una rete globale di
organizzazioni, attivisti e movimenti sociali impegnati a sfidare gli
accordi commerciali e sugli investimenti che favoriscono gli interessi
delle più potenti imprese multinazionali, a danno delle popolazioni e
dell’ambiente.

A questo processo di globalizzazione guidato dalle
multinazionali, opponiamo la visione di un’economia globale costruita
sui principi della giustizia economica, della sostenibilità ecologica e
della responsabilità democratica, che anteponga gli interessi dei
popoli a quelli delle imprese. Un’economia costruita intorno agli
interessi dei veri produttori e consumatori, quali i lavoratori, i
contadini, le famiglie di agricoltori, i pescatori, i piccoli e medi
produttori, ed intorno ai bisogni di chi è messo a margine dall’attuale
sistema, come le donne ed i popoli indigeni.

Crediamo che un sistema giusto debba proteggere, e non
compromettere, le diversità culturali, biologiche, economiche e
sociali; mettere l’enfasi sullo sviluppo di economie e sistemi
commerciali sani a livello locale; assicurare i diritti ambientali,
culturali, sociali e del lavoro riconosciuti a livello internazionale;
sostenere la sovranità e l’autodeterminazione dei popoli; e proteggere
i processi decisionali democratici a livello nazionale e locale.

La democrazia non si riduce semplicemente nell’organizzare
elezioni. Esiste  democrazia quando non si è l’ultimo anello di una
catena che riceve passivamente un processo calato dall’alto, un sistema
di valori standardizzato, delle priorità e delle politiche che vengono
imposte grazie ad organismi multilaterali quali l’Organizzazione
Mondiale del Commercio (OMC – Wto). Esiste democrazia quando non si è
soggetti a processi decisionali non trasparenti e non condivisi, quali
quelli che caratterizzano l’Organo di Risoluzione delle Dispute della
Wto. Esiste democrazia  quando le persone hanno il controllo delle
forze che hanno impatti diretti sulle loro vite.

Quando fu creata la Wto, nel 1995, il suo preambolo sosteneva
che lo scopo dell’organizzazione era quello di portare maggiore
prosperità, aumentare l’occupazione, ridurre la povertà, diminuire le
disuguaglianze e promuovere lo sviluppo sostenibile nel mondo mediante
un maggiore “libero commercio”. A dieci anni di distanza è chiaro che
la Wto non ha raggiunto questi obiettivi ed ha avuto risultati
esattamente opposti.

Il regime commerciale della Wto ha ostacolato misure che
avrebbero promosso lo sviluppo, alleviato la povertà ed aiutato la
sopravvivenza degli esseri umani e dell’ambiente naturale, tanto a
livello locale quanto globale. Sotto la dicitura di “libero commercio”,
le regole della Wto sono state utilizzate per forzare l’apertura di
nuovi mercati e per portarli sotto il controllo delle imprese
multinazionali.

I grandi poteri commerciali hanno inoltre utilizzato la Wto per
incrementare e consolidare il controllo delle imprese multinazionali
sull’economia e sulle attività sociali in aree ben al di là di quelle
commerciali, come ad esempio in materia di sviluppo, investimenti,
concorrenza, diritti di proprietà intellettuale, nella fornitura dei
servizi essenziali, nella protezione dell’ambiente e negli appalti
pubblici.

Liberalizzazioni su larga scala in queste aree costringeranno i
paesi in via di sviluppo a rinunciare a molti degli strumenti economici
per lo sviluppo che i paesi industrializzati hanno utilizzato per
creare le loro economie e posti di lavoro. Gli accordi già approvati
nella Wto, inoltre, insieme a quelli attualmente in discussione,
porterebbero di fatto a “mettere sotto chiave“ e rendere irreversibili
i programmi di aggiustamento strutturale della Banca Mondiale e del
Fondo Monetario Internazionale.

Nel portare avanti gli interessi dei grandi poteri commerciali, inoltre, i metodi digovernancee
decisionali utilizzati nella Wto fanno notoriamente affidamento sulle
minacce, l’inganno, la manipolazione e la mancanza di trasparenza, in
maniera non democratica e secondo un processo non inclusivo.

Sono le conseguenze distruttive dal punto di vista sociale,
politico e ambientale del modello neoliberista di globalizzazione delle
imprese ad avere favorito il sorgere della resistenza da parte di un
ampio spettro di organizzazioni della società civile e di movimenti
sociali in tutto il mondo, come si è manifestato ai summit della Wto a
Seattle, Doha, Cancun ed Hong Kong.

La rete Our World Is Not For Sale è parte di questo movimento di resistenza globale.

Dieci anni dopo la fondazione della Wto, per noi è diventato
chiaro che le possibilità che la Wto si muova in direzione di riforme
positive sono minime, se non del tutto assenti. Un cambiamento è
assolutamente necessario. Al momento abbiamo un sistema in cui:

  • le vite sono distrutte, i diritti umani ignorati,
    la salute pubblica minacciata, l’ambiente saccheggiato ed i sistemi
    democratici vengono erosi;

  • le economie
    locali sono minacciate, ed i lavoratori, i contadini, le famiglie di
    agricoltori, i pescatori, i consumatori, le donne ed i popoli indigeni
    sono particolarmente svantaggiati e sfruttati;

  • la
    possibilità per i governi di garantire l’accesso agli aspetti
    essenziali della vita, promuovere la salute, la sicurezza e la
    sovranità alimentare, e proteggere la diversità culturale e biologica è
    compromessa e talvolta eliminata.

In tutto il mondo, gli effetti negativi dell’attuale sistema
economico globale stanno spingendo i movimenti democratici – che
agiscono tramite le urne e nelle strade – a chiedere un cambiamento. I
politici eletti in molti paesi hanno perso la speranza nell’attuale
sistema digovernanceeconomica globale. Un numero sempre
crescente di economisti e tecnocrati che hanno creato ed adottato
questo sistema stanno iniziando a porsi delle domande, in quanto i
risultati provano l’opposto di quanto promesso. Tutto questo si sta
manifestando nel contesto di una crescente disuguaglianza, sia tra le
nazioni, sia al loro interno, e con un risorgere del militarismo.

E’ necessario resistere ai tentativi della Wto di imporre una
liberalizzazione del commercio mondiale che colpisce la giustizia
economica, il benessere sociale, l’equità tra i generi e la
sostenibilità ecologica. Il potere e l’autorità della Wto devono essere
ridimensionati in molte materie nelle quali l’istituzione si è imposta,
quali ad esempio l’agricoltura, i servizi ed i diritti di proprietà
intellettuale.

Contemporaneamente dobbiamo ideare nuove istituzioni per
facilitare il commercio, la produzione e la distribuzione dei beni
comuni, se vogliamo evitare la crescente prospettiva di una catastrofe
sociale ed ecologica.

L’attuale regime commerciale, che include la Wto così come gli
accordi commerciali bilaterali e regionali e quelli sugli investimenti,
deve permettere un nuovo quadro commerciale per il XXI secolo
socialmente giusto ed ecologicamente sostenibile.

I NOSTRI OBIETTIVI

Sin dal 1998, i membri della rete OWINFS si sono confrontati per
condividere analisi, sviluppare strategie e coordinare azioni a livello
internazionale, in modo da promuovere lo sviluppo di un’economia
alternativa, giusta e sostenibile.

Siamo impegnati per sviluppare un nuovo sistema commerciale
democraticamente responsabile che faccia avanzare un’economia di
giustizia, il benessere sociale, l’equità di genere e la sostenibilità
ecologica, e che garantisca posti di lavoro dignitosi ed i beni e i
servizi necessari per tutti gli esseri umani.

Sosteniamo lo sviluppo di economie locali floride ed i diritti
dei lavoratori, contadini, migranti, famiglie di agricoltori,
consumatori, donne e popoli indigeni. Crediamo che l’autodeterminazione
dei popoli non debba essere subordinata ad impegni commerciali
internazionali. Tra le altre cose, questo significa che il processo
decisionale e l’applicazione ad ogni livello dellagovernancedebbano essere democratici, trasparenti ed inclusivi.

Riconosciamo che un sistema commerciale internazionale giusto
debba dare la priorità ai diritti ed al welfare dei lavoratori,
contadini, migranti, pescatori, e famiglie di agricoltori che producono
i nostri prodotti, servizi e cibi.

Chiediamo ai governi ed alle agenzie multilaterali di arrestare
i loro attacchi ai diritti fondamentali dei lavoratori, l’arretramento
delle conquiste ottenute dalle lotte dei lavoratori, il compromettere
la sicurezza del lavoro e la corsa verso il basso dei salari, e di
rafforzare in tutto il mondo i diritti dei lavoratori.

Ci opponiamo ad accordi e negoziati di liberalizzazione del
commercio che contribuiscono a togliere l’accesso alle risorse naturali
a quelle popolazioni indigene e comunità locali che da queste dipendono
per la propria sopravvivenza, e che invece danno questo accesso alle
imprese.

Altri diritti umani fondamentali devono essere rispettati,
promossi e realizzati, a partire dall’autodeterminazione dei popoli
indigeni e dalla fornitura dei bisogni e servizi sociali essenziali,
comprese l’educazione, la sicurezza e la sovranità alimentari,
l’accesso universale ad acqua pulita per uso umano e la salute
pubblica.

Allo stesso modo, l’integrità ecologica deve essere un
obiettivo di un mutato sistema commerciale globale. Questo significa,
tra le altre cose, che il commercio delle imprese e gli investimenti
devono essere regolati per arrestare il surriscaldamento globale; gli
accordi ambientali multilaterali devono avere la precedenza su quelli
commerciali; gli standard ambientali non devono essere ridotti a causa
di accordi commerciali; ed il diritto delle persone a rifiutare
organismi geneticamente modificati, di preservare la crescita delle
foreste secolari e la diversità delle sementi dei contadini e la
promozione del benessere degli animali deve essere rispettata.

LE NOSTRE RICHIESTE

Assicurare il diritto di scegliere delle persone: autodeterminazione, democrazia e sviluppo

Ribadiamo ildiritto fondamentale dei paesi di sviluppare
politiche economiche ed industriali che promuovano uno sviluppo
economico genuino, creino posti di lavoro dignitosi e proteggano la
sopravvivenza, e tutelino l’ambiente
. Tutti i paesi, ed in
particolare i più poveri, devono avere il diritto di utilizzare opzioni
politiche (come politiche di contenuto locale) per incrementare la
capacità dei loro propri settori produttivi, in particolare per le
piccole e medie imprese. I paesi devono anche tutelare la loro
possibilità (spazio politico) di disegnare strategie economiche,
sociali ed ambientali che favoriscano i loro abitanti più vulnerabili.
La ricerca della “coerenza” tra le istituzioni internazionali è
diventata un mezzo per negare questo spazio politico: il Fondo
Monetario Internazionale, la Banca Mondiale ed alcuni singoli paesi
donatori forzano i governi ad implementare politiche neoliberiste, e la
Wto e gli altri accordi commerciali e sugli investimenti rendono
praticamente irreversibili queste politiche.
Di conseguenza:

  • Our World Is Not For Sale chiede la fine delle
    pratiche segrete e coercitive che sono diventate il marchio di fabbrica
    dei negoziati commerciali, in particolare nella Wto, dove pochi governi
    più potenti, spesso agendo per conto delle loro elite imprenditoriali,
    sono capaci di forzare i governi più deboli per raggiungere i loro
    obiettivi.

  • Lo smantellamento delle tariffe
    e delle altre misure commerciali non deve consentire di mettere le
    economie locali, ed in particolare quelle dei paesi più poveri e/o di
    settori economici più poveri, in balia delle imprese multinazionali, e
    di minacciare lo sviluppo economico locale, le leggi e gli standard sul
    lavoro, la salute e la sicurezza del pubblico e dei consumatori, e
    l’ambiente.

  • I negoziati sul “libero
    commercio” nella Wto ed altrove non possono continuare ad essere
    utilizzati come un Cavallo di Troia per assicurare regole favorevoli
    alle imprese in materia di investimenti, concorrenza, appalti pubblici,
    accesso al mercato, produzione agricola, regolamentazioni locali sui
    servizi pubblici ed i diritti di proprietà intellettuale. Allo stesso
    modo non possono proseguire le attuali dinamiche di potere, nelle quali
    i ricchi paesi industrializzati impongono la loro agenda economica a
    scapito dei paesi più poveri.

  • L’utilizzo
    di aggiustamenti strutturali e del consolidamento del debito per
    forzare la liberalizzazione del commercio nei paesi del terzo mondo
    deve essere arrestata. Il Fondo Monetario Internazionale, la Banca
    Mondiale e le banche di sviluppo regionali devono cancellare tutti i
    debiti a loro dovuti da parte dei paesi in via di sviluppo ed in
    transizione in modo che questi paesi possano allocare questi fondi per
    soddisfare i bisogni urgenti della popolazione.

Promuovere il primato dei diritti sociali e dell’ambiente

Crediamo che la protezione e l’avanzamento dei diritti sociali,
il soddisfacimento dei bisogni basilari, e la protezione del nostro
ambiente siano essenziali alla vita. E’ inaccettabile che queste siano
compromesse dalla Wto ed altre regole degli accordi “commerciali”.
Di conseguenza:

  • nessun accordo commerciale o sugli investimenti
    deve avere la precedenza, o compromettere, gli accordi internazionali
    che promuovono la giustizia sociale, economica ed ambientale, tra i
    quali alcuni sono

  •  
    • la dichiarazione dell’Organizzazione
      Internazionale del Lavoro (OIL) sui principi e sui diritti fondamentali
      del lavoro (che include i quattro core labour standard);
    • la
      Convenzione sulla biodiversità ed il suo protocollo attuativo sulla
      bio-sicurezza, e gli altri accordi multilaterali sull’ambiente;
    • la
      Dichiarazione sui diritti dell’uomo delle Nazioni Unite e le sue
      convenzioni associate, la Convenzione internazionale sui diritti
      economici, sociali e culturali e la Convenzione internazionale sui
      diritti civili e politici;
    • la prossima Dichiarazione delle Nazioni Unite sui diritti dei popoli indigeni;
    • la Convenzione per l’eliminazione di tutte le forme di discriminazione contro le donne (CEDAW); e
    • La Convezione internazionale sulla protezione dei diritti di tutti i lavoratori migranti e dei membri delle loro famiglie.
  • governi devono conservare il diritto sovrano di
    determinare come regolare i servizi in modo da soddisfare i bisogni
    della popolazione, l’economia e la società, ed onorare i loro altri
    obblighi internazionali e costituzionali, compresi quelli verso le
    donne, i popoli indigeni, i giovani, gli anziani ed i poveri.

  • Il
    diritto dei governi ad applicare il principio precauzionale per
    proteggere la salute pubblica, l’ambiente, e l’agricoltura da rischi
    sconosciuti deve avere la precedenza su qualunque accordo e clausola
    commerciale.

  • La riduzione delle tariffe
    che danneggiano l’ambiente o lo sviluppo sostenibile aumentando un
    commercio inappropriato delle risorse naturali e di altri prodotti
    ambientalmente sensibili non dovrebbe essere attuata.

  • L’indebolimento
    delle Nazioni Unite da parte delle istituzioni pro-multinazionali di
    Bretton Woods, della Wto, e dei grandi poteri deve essere arrestata, ed
    il sistema di agenzie ed accordi delle Nazioni Unite deve essere
    rafforzato.

Proteggere i servizi essenziali

Sottoscriviamo il principio fondamentale secondo cui nessun
accordo commerciale o sugli investimenti dovrebbe violare il diritto
dei governi a garantire l’accesso ad aspetti essenziali alla vita, a
promuovere la salute ed il benessere dei loro abitanti, e la protezione
dell’ambiente.
Di conseguenza:

  • i paesi non dovrebbero subire pressioni per
    accettare regole commerciali che diminuiscono questa loro abilità, sia
    tramite l’Accordo Generale sul Commercio dei Servizi (GATS) della Wto,
    sia negli accordi bilaterali e regionali.

  • I
    settori direttamente legati a quelli essenziali, quali la salute,
    l’educazione, la cultura audiovisiva, l’assistenza sociale, i servizi
    idrici ed energetici devono essere esplicitamente esclusi da tutti gli
    accordi commerciali e sugli investimenti.

  • Le
    regole riguardanti i regolamenti domestici, i sussidi e gli appalti
    pubblici in materia di servizi per la loro stessa natura impattano su
    questa abilità e non dovrebbero pertanto essere inclusi in accordi
    commerciali o sugli investimenti.

I paesi stanno subendo enormi pressioni per sottomettere i loro
servizi essenziali alle regole del GATS, che hanno l’effetto di
promuovere le privatizzazioni. Quando, inoltre, gli impegni presi in
questo negoziato sono adottati da paesi che sono o sono stati soggetti
a deregolamentazioni e privatizzazioni dei loro servizi essenziali
tramite le richieste di “aggiustamento strutturale”, le regole del GATS
servono per rendere queste privatizzazioni praticamente irreversibili.
In questa maniera il GATS promuove l’apertura dei mercati locali alle
imprese multinazionali e l’avanzamento del modello neoliberista.
Di conseguenza:

  • Queste richieste di “aggiustamento strutturale” debbono
    essere respinte, non rese irreversibili, e non devono essere una
    condizione per i paesi che ricevono nuovi prestiti o aiuti, così come i
    paesi non dovrebbero essere messi sotto pressione per sottomettere i
    loro servizi essenziali alle regole del GATS.

Difendere i saperi, la cultura e le forme di vita come l’essenza di una civiltà

Consideriamo i saperi, la cultura e l’educazione come le forze
che muovono la civiltà. Queste forze non possono essere ridotte a
prodotti commerciabili o proprietà privata.

Non c’è alcuna base per includere queste affermazioni sulla
proprietà intellettuale in un accordo commerciale. Tutte le nazioni,
inoltre, hanno la responsabilità e l’obbligo di proteggere la salute
pubblica ed il benessere delle loro popolazioni. Le attuali regole
sulla proprietà intellettuali in accordi commerciali, quali l’accordo
sugli aspetti commerciali dei diritti di proprietà intellettuale
(TRIPs) della Wto, impediscono l’accesso delle persone ai farmaci
essenziali, alle sementi ed alle necessità vitali, mentre portano
all’appropriazioni dei privati sulle forme di vita ed i saperi
tradizionali e la distruzione della biodiversità. Impediscono inoltre
ai paesi più poveri di migliorare i propri livelli di welfare economico
e sociale e di difendere le loro identità e tradizioni uniche.
Di conseguenza:

  • i governi devono conservare il loro
    imprescindibile diritto a limitare la protezioni dei brevetti in modo
    da proteggere gli interessi pubblici in queste aree, in particolare
    riguardo le medicine, le sementi e le forme di vita.

  • La
    brevettabilità delle forme di vita, inclusi i microrganismi, deve
    essere proibita in tutti i regimi nazionali ed internazionali.

  • Una
    diversità culturale genuina deve essere difesa dall’impatto e
    dall’omogeneizzazione dei mercati globali e dai monopoli sui saperi,
    sulla tecnologia e sulle telecomunicazioni.

Preservare e favorire la sovranità alimentare e la sicurezza alimentare

Affermiamo che il diritto al cibo è un diritto umano
fondamentale. L’accordo sull’agricoltura (AOA) della Wto subordina
questo diritto ai profitti delle imprese.
Il sistema alimentare
promosso dalla Wto è costruito su un’agricoltura industrializzata con
grande utilizzo di capitali e guidata dalle esportazioni, che sta
contribuendo alla concentrazione delle imprese lungo la catena
alimentare e compromettendo la sopravvivenza, i diritti, la salute, le
condizioni di vita e di lavoro dei lavoratori nei settori
dell’agricoltura e alimentare, e di conseguenza compromettendo la
sicurezza alimentare.

Inoltre questo sistema non riconosce che il lavoro agricolo
è un modo di vita ed una base importante per la comunità e la cultura.
Le politiche della Wto e di altri accordi commerciali favoriscono
quindi un’ulteriore concentrazione ed un aumento del potere delle
imprese multinazionali e causano l’espulsione di milioni di contadini e
di famiglie di agricoltori dalle terre e dalla produzione, nel Nord
come nel Sud del mondo. Dall’introduzione dei “programmi di
aggiustamento strutturale” e della Wto, molti contadini, famiglie di
agricoltori e lavoratori nel campo dell’agricoltura sono stati
allontanati dalle loro terre e hanno provato la fame, molti sono stati
spinti al suicidio, permettendo la liberalizzazione delle importazioni
tramite la riduzione delle tariffe, l’abolizione delle restrizioni
quantitative e l’introduzione di politiche nazionali agricole ingiuste.
Contemporaneamente molti sussidi che vanno all’agribusiness, ed in
primo luogo alle imprese agricole orientate all’export, sono aumentati
invece di diminuire.

Mentre queste regole permettono in maniera sempre maggiore
alle potenti imprese commerciali dell’agribusiness di abbattere i
prezzi delle materie prime pagati ai contadini in tutto il mondo, la
concentrazione della distribuzione e della lavorazione del cibo sotto
le regole dei negoziati agricoli e sui servizi della Wto ha portato ad
un aumento dei prezzi per i consumatori.
Di conseguenza:

  • per evitare un’ulteriore aumento della fame, degli
    spostamenti forzati e delle morti, devono essere intraprese delle
    azioni per ridurre le politiche agricole, commerciali e sugli
    investimenti che incoraggiano una cronica sovrapproduzione e per
    proibire il dumping dei prodotti agricoli sui mercati mondiali, sotto i
    costi di produzione da parte delle grandi imprese agricole ed altri
    soggetti coinvolti nel commercio mondiale di prodotti agricoli. I
    sussidi diretti ed indiretti che causano il dumping devono essere
    proibiti. I paesi dovrebbero mantenere e riaffermare i loro diritti
    sovrani a proteggere i propri mercati agricoli ed i settori interessati
    dal dumping in modo da implementare misure che possano effettivamente
    ed attivamente sostenere le produzioni sostenibili fondate sul lavoro
    dei contadini e degli agricoltori che lavorano su scala familiare.

  • E’
    necessario adottare delle misure per sostenere la sovranità alimentare
    (il diritto dei popoli e delle comunità a definire le proprie politiche
    agricole e sul cibo, cosi come il diritto di produrre i propri cibi di
    base in modo che siano rispettate le diversità culturali e produttive e
    che siano sostenute le produzioni sostenibili fondate sul lavoro dei
    contadini e delle famiglie di agricoltori) e la sicurezza alimentare e
    del cibo (sia per i consumatori sia per i produttori).

  • Le
    misure che riguardano unicamente la produzione per il consumo interno e
    che non contribuiscono ad aumentare le esportazioni sui mercati
    internazionali dovrebbero essere escluse da qualunque accordo
    commerciale internazionale. Il sistema commerciale non deve
    compromettere la sopravvivenza dei contadini, delle famiglie di
    agricoltori, dei lavoratori agricoli, dei pescatori artigianali e delle
    popolazioni indigene.

  • Crediamo che lo
    sviluppo della sovranità alimentare, della sicurezza alimentare e
    dell’agricoltura sostenibile su scala familiare richieda che i governi
    riconoscano i fallimenti nel principio del “libero commercio”, che
    sottostà all’idea di vantaggio comparato, dell’agricoltura votata
    all’esportazione e dei piani di “aggiustamento strutturale” e che
    sostituiscano queste politiche con altre che diano priorità e
    proteggano le produzioni locali, sostenibili e di sussistenza, compreso
    l’utilizzo di controlli sull’importazione e regolazioni che assicurino
    metodi di produzioni più equi e sostenibili.

  • Saranno
    necessari diversi accordi per assicurare questi obiettivi. Questi
    potrebbero includere una convenzione sulla sovranità alimentare e
    sull’agricoltura sostenibile, e una dichiarazione sui diritti dei
    contadini e delle famiglie di agricoltori. In ultima analisi la Wto e
    gli accordi di “libero commercio”, con il loro attuale focus sulla
    liberalizzazione ad ogni costo, non sono luoghi appropriati per queste
    regole; di conseguenza è necessario rafforzare dei luoghi alternativi
    dove discutere di queste regole.

Fermare la globalizzazione delle multinazionali e promuovere una giustizia nel commercio

Le regole commerciali della Wto e di molti altri accordi commerciali
oggi in essere e in corso di negoziazione promuovono il potere delle
imprese multinazionali nell’economia globale, fornendo nuovi diritti in
materia di investimento, proprietà intellettuale e altro.
Contemporaneamente, rendono praticamente irreversibili le politiche
neoliberiste di privatizzazione e deregolamentazione. Tutto questo è
fatto nel nome del “libero commercio”. Questo squilibrio nei poteri
promuove l’interesse di pochi giganti economici, spesso con effetti
devastanti sulle economie locali, in modo particolare nei paesi in via
di sviluppo.

Questo potere delle imprese è stato considerevolmente aumentato
mediante accordi regionali e bilaterali sul commercio e sugli
investimenti. Le loro potenti regole promuovono i diritti delle imprese
e pongono una seria minaccia alle autorità democratiche locali. In
certi accordi, di fatto, le ora imprese straniere possono fare causa ai
governi nazionali per “mancati profitti”, se qualunque legge o
regolamentazione nel paese riduce le loro attuali o future possibilità
di profitto. I diritti ambientali, del lavoro e sociali sono tutti
diventati secondari rispetto al diritto al profitto delle imprese.
Questo andamento deve essere ribaltato.

Dopo avere ostacolato con successo l’Accordo Multilaterale
sugli Investimenti, che avrebbe assicurato questi diritti delle
imprese, chiediamo di porre fine alla strategia delle imprese di
promuovere una rapida ed avventata espansione degli accordi regionali e
bilaterali sul commercio e gli investimenti che cercano di rinforzare
le mancanze della Wto. Chiediamo anche di porre fine alle regole che
garantiscono il diritto al profitto di un investitore straniero,
esponendo le politiche di regolamentazione locale alle sfide degli
investitori e chiedendo compensazioni con soldi pubblici.

Per iniziare a muoversi verso un sistema commerciale giusto,
chiediamo ai governi di negoziare un accordo legalmente vincolante per
assicurare che le imprese siano ritenute democraticamente responsabili
per la loro condotta e riguardo gli impatti sociali, economici ed
ambientali, compreso il ruolo che alcune giocano nel sostenere regimi
politici repressivi ed il commercio delle armi. Questo dovrebbe essere
fatto tramite le Nazioni Unite ed altre organizzazioni appropriate, con
la piena partecipazione della società civile.

Chiediamo inoltre alle organizzazioni della società civile ed
ai movimenti sociali di iniziare un dialogo globale della società
civile sullo sviluppo di un’alternativa, un quadro commerciale giusto e
sostenibile che rimpiazzi il modello neoliberista, uno che promuova
genuinamente uno sviluppo sostenibile fondato sui diritti e
nell’interesse delle persone.

Siamo impegnati per un sistema commerciale ecologicamente
sostenibile, socialmente giusto e democraticamente responsabile. Come
primo passo, quindi, chiediamo che i nostri governi implementino i
cambiamenti elencati in questo documento, in modo da bloccare ed
invertire il potere e l’autorità della Wto, e per invertire la
direzione del commercio e creare un sistema giusto. Ci impegniamo a
mobilitare le persone all’interno dei nostri paesi, regionalmente e
globalmente per lottare per queste richieste e per sfidare le politiche
ingiuste della Wto ed in generale del sistema commerciale
multilaterale.

La scelta davanti a noi è chiara: o accettiamo l’attuale ordine
globale centrato sulle imprese e abbandoniamo il welfare delle prossime
generazioni ed il futuro stesso del pianeta, o raccogliamo la difficile
sfida di muoverci verso un nuovo sistema che metta al centro gli
interessi delle persone, delle comunità e dell’ambiente.

Categories: Planet Not For Sale