11th WTO Ministerial - Letter from Global Civil Society about the Agenda of the WTO

Delivery date: 
9 October, 2017

English (pdf) - Letter from Global Civil Society about the agenda of the WTO towards the 11th Ministerial

Français (pdf) - Lettre de la société civile internationale sur l’agenda en vue de la 11ème conference ministérielle de l’OMC

Español (pdf) - Carta de la Sociedad Civil Mundial acerca de la agenda de la OMC  en camino hacia la undécima Conferencia Ministerial

Greek (pdf) - Letter from Global Civil Society about the agenda of the WTO towards the 11th Ministerial

 

Dear Members of the World Trade Organization (WTO),

We are writing as 309[i] member organizations of global civil society from more than 150 countries, representing tens of millions of people from around the world, regarding the ongoing negotiations on the WTO towards the 11th Ministerial meeting (MC11) in Buenos Aires, December 10-13, 2017.

We are increasingly concerned about press reports indicating that some WTO members are pushing a dangerous and inappropriate new agenda under the disguising rubric of “e-commerce,” even though there was no consensus to introduce this new issue during or since the Nairobi Ministerial. In addition, we are deeply disturbed by reports that the urgent need to change existing WTO rules which are constraining governments’ policy space for job creation and development, including achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), is becoming further blocked in the lead-up to the 11th Ministerial.

Citizens around the world have given clear messages to governments that the current rules of the global economy, including global trade rules, have exacerbated inequality and left far too many impoverished. Thus, we urge WTO members to reflect on this dynamic and to take decisions that will allow the global trading system to contribute to, rather than constrain, shared prosperity and development.

 Below we outline our concerns regarding the following issues that are being, or should be, discussed in WTO:

·      Proposals regarding e-commerce and their impact on national laws and regulations;

·      Proposals to limit the scope and effects of public interest regulation;

·      Fish subsidy disciplines that discourage overfishing by rich countries but still allow poor countries to grow;

·      The time has come to fix bad existing WTO rules, not to expand them;

·      Agricultural rules must prioritize food security and food sovereignty;

·      There is a need for more flexibility for development policies.

 

Wrong Agenda: E-commerce

A number of new e-commerce proposals have been made at the WTO in the last year. Proponents often disguise their proposals under the rubric of e-commerce as being necessary to unleash development through the power of small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). But SMEs are the least likely to be able to compete with giant transnational corporations, which enjoy the benefits of scale, historic subsidies, technological advances, strong state-sponsored infrastructure, tax avoidance strategies, and a system of trade rules written for them and by their lawyers.

Key provisions of the proposals include prohibiting requirements to hold data locally; to have a local presence in the country; no border taxes on digital products; prohibitions on regulating cross-border data transfers; and even prohibitions on requiring open source software in government procurement contracts. There is no economic rationale as to why digitally traded goods should not have to contribute to the national tax base, while traditionally traded goods usually do. Data is now the most valuable resource; furthermore, privacy and data protection are fundamental human rights and they cannot be abandoned in the interests of trade. Locking in rules in the WTO to allow corporations to transfer data around the world without restrictions would forever deny the right of countries and citizens to benefit from their own data and intelligence in the future, and it would restrict the ability of countries to implement appropriate data privacy and consumer protection measures. What e-commerce proposal proponents call “localization barriers” are actually the tools that countries use to ensure that they can benefit from the presence of transnational corporations to advance their own development and the economic, social, and political rights of their citizens.

We need trade rules that allow for the creation of decent jobs, including in the technology sector. But the hallmarks of companies like Amazon, Facebook, Google, and Uber include dislocation of local businesses and labor markets, and increasing precariousness of work. These would accelerate if e-commerce proposals were accepted in the WTO. Existing technology giants would be able to further consolidate their monopoly power. Their infamous tax optimization (which is tantamount to evasion), including base erosion and profit shifting, would be facilitated by a binding international treaty, and it would be nearly impossible to rein in the political instability engendered by the economic and financial consequences of such a scenario.

WTO members do not currently have a mandate to negotiate new global rules on “e-commerce,” and they should not obtain one in Buenos Aires. All of the issues proposed for the e-commerce agenda have either already been discussed and resolved, or are currently being discussed, in other forums, most of which are more responsive and accountable to public interest concerns than the WTO. E-commerce is already flourishing and SMEs can already sell their products online without new WTO rules. Of course, e-commerce can be a force for job creation and development, and certainly has the power to expand innovation, increase consumer choice, and connect remote producers and consumers. But supporting e-commerce is not the same as having binding global rules that would primarily benefit U.S.-based high-tech corporations, at the expense of public interest regulation to protect consumers and promote development. While we support efforts by developing countries to address the digital divide, transfer technology, and obtain financing for infrastructure and information and communications technologies (ICTs), the WTO is not the proper forum to negotiate these issues; similar to the way other development issues have been treated in the WTO, they will not become binding obligations, while the agenda of the high-tech corporations will be binding. There should absolutely be no new mandate on e-commerce in MC11.

Threats to Public Interest Regulation

The SDGs recently agreed by all WTO members include a focus on expanding access to and quality of many public services, as well as key services often operated by the private sector such as financial services and telecommunications. Unfortunately, much like the e-commerce agenda, a similar corporate agenda is behind the effort to have new rules limiting domestic regulation of services. The proposed rules on Domestic Regulation in the services negotiations in the WTO seek to ensure that three kinds of regulation - qualification requirements and procedures, licensing requirements and procedures, and technical standards - meet vague and open-ended standards that would severely undermine the regulatory sovereignty of countries. 

These are open-ended terms designed to minimize regulation and maximize the lobbying power of transnational corporations over sovereign governments. Giving the WTO jurisdiction to adjudicate whether a regulation was “reasonable,” “objective,” “transparent,” and “not more burdensome than necessary to ensure the quality of the service,” and further that a technical standard was developed in an “open and transparent process” would put the interests of foreign services providers above governments’ obligation to ensure that services are operated in the public interest. It is not the WTO that should decide whether the administration of labor, tax, environmental or safety laws affecting foreign services firms is “reasonable.” The WTO should not be given authority to decide if the local zoning commission’s agreement with local objections to place a big box store near a historic site is “objective.” If a state decides to accept an environmental review’s recommendation to ban fracking as a method of mining gas, a WTO panel should not have the jurisdiction to decide if that is “too burdensome.” Local governments – not trade panels - should have the ultimate authority to decide community issues that are inherently subjective because they involve important judgment calls. And foreign companies should not have “rights” to comment or input on measures proposed by local or national authorities before they are decided domestically.

Members did agree years ago to develop any necessary disciplines on these measures – but there has never been an agreement whether such rules are “necessary,” which they obviously are not. Thus, no disciplines should be agreed on domestic regulation in Buenos Aires.

Fishing: Subsidizing the Poor or the Rich?

The other big ‘deliverable’ being pushed for Buenos Aires is a way to tackle the problem of overfishing by negotiating limits to the subsidies that governments provide to fisheries. There is a clear mandate for a pro-development and pro-environment outcome; but this cannot be lost due to the insistence of existing industrial fishing nations on rules that undermine the future developmental aspirations of developing countries. Despite the use of subsidies to build their industrial fishing capacity, those very same nations are attempting to prevent other developing countries from also building their domestic capacity, undermining development and doing little to prevent illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing as well as over-fishing. For many developing countries, fisheries are at the heart of their economic and developmental aspirations. Protecting the policy space of developing countries and the ability to support small-scale and artisanal fishers must be at the heart of any outcome, along with effective, binding prohibitions on subsidies. The developmental and economic policy space of developing countries must be maintained whilst those nations that have contributed most to the problem of IUU and overfishing must agree to eliminate harmful subsidies. The management of fisheries resources must be maintained outside of the WTO. 

What Should Be on the Agenda: Fixing Bad Existing Rules Not Expanding Them

Both e-commerce rules and domestic regulation disciplines would amount to an expansion of the WTO. But the vast majority of WTO members have argued that existing unfair and damaging rules must be fixed before the WTO can be expanded. This fight was at the heart of the last Ministerial in Nairobi, which concluded with ambiguous language acknowledging that some countries wanted to bring in other issues, while others (the overwhelming majority) want to continue with the unfinished development agenda that had been the reason they had agreed to the Doha Round.

Unfortunately, some WTO members are obstinately refusing to move forward on what should be the core agenda: to fix the unjust rules that hinder global efforts to ensure true food security, sustainable development, access to affordable healthcare and medicines, and global financial stability, outlined in the Turnaround Statement of the global Our World Is Not for Sale (OWINFS) network, endorsed by hundreds of civil society groups from around the world.  At a minimum, in Buenos Aires, WTO members should focus on transforming the global agriculture rules that restrict developing countries from ensuring food security for their populations (while allowing big agribusiness nearly limitless public subsidies) and increasing flexibilities for developing countries to be able use trade for their own development.  

Agricultural Rules Must Prioritize Food Security and Food Sovereignty

The top priority for a genuine development agenda would be transforming the current rules on agriculture. Unbelievably, it is the rich countries, not the poor, which are currently allowed to subsidize agriculture under WTO rules – even in ways that distort trade and harm other countries’ domestic producers. The tens of billions of dollars of subsidies allowed in developed countries per annum encourage overproduction and artificially depress world prices, wiping out farmers’ livelihoods in countries that should be benefitting from global agricultural trade or production for domestic consumption. Thus, a major outcome in Buenos Aires should be to reduce the amount of subsidies under the “domestic support” negotiations – including subsidies in the so-called “Green Box” category of subsidies when these actually have trade-distorting impacts.

Given the existing subsidies, developing countries should also be able to increase tariffs to protect domestic production when faced with import surges. Unfortunately, some countries are opposing negotiations towards a workable “Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM)” for developing countries. An outcome on SSM – unconditioned on further tariff cuts – at the upcoming Ministerial would greatly enhance developing countries’ ability to achieve food security, promote rural development and safeguard farmers’ livelihoods – and would be a step towards removing WTO constraints on Food Sovereignty.

By contrast, most developing countries are only allowed miniscule subsidies. But the SDGs entreat countries to increase investment in sustainable agriculture. Also, there is growing acceptance of the “right to food” as a human right. One of the international best practices for supporting farmers’ livelihoods, ensuring food security, and promoting rural development is “public stockholding,” in which governments guarantee farmers a minimum price for their production, and distribute that food to hungry people within their own borders. But these programs, implemented in dozens developing countries, often run afoul of WTO rules – even though the agriculture supported is not traded in global markets.

The majority of WTO members have agreed that domestic public stockholding programs should not be constrained by antiquated WTO rules. But the changes have been steadfastly blocked by the United States, the EU, Australia and other big agribusiness exporters. And now reality is being turned on its head as China and India are being accused of being the biggest subsidizers, when their payments per farmer on a per capita basis remain miniscule – only a few hundred dollars per farmer, as compared to tens of thousands for the United States.

WTO members agreed to find a permanent solution to the public stockholding programs by December of this year. Unfortunately the positions of countries representing big agribusiness exporters have remained entrenched. In Buenos Aires WTO members must deliver a positive resolution on the public stockholding issue that allows all developing countries to implement food security programs without onerous restrictions that are not even demanded of developed countries’ trade distorting subsidies.

More Flexibility for Development Policies

Along with transforming the global rules governing agricultural trade, developing countries have long advocated for other changes to the existing WTO to increase flexibility for them to enable them to enact policies that would promote their own development.

The group of 90 developing countries has made concrete proposals for changes to existing WTO rules that would remove some WTO constraints on national pro-development policies. Many of them are updated versions of the “Implementation Agenda” that have formed the basis of developing country critiques of the existing WTO since the time of its foundation. These include, for example, changes to allow developing countries to promote domestic manufacturing capabilities, stimulate the transfer of technology, promote access to affordable medicines, and safeguard regional integration. Many of these proposals parallel the civil society demands encompassed in the OWINFS Turnaround Statement. The G90 proposals should be accepted in the Buenos Aires Ministerial as proposed – without being conditioned on further market access concessions from developing countries.

Even in an area that all WTO members should be able to agree on – ensuring benefits for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) – there is no consensus yet. Although it was a priority mandate, the small LDC package agreed in the WTO Ministerial in Bali in 2013 is not yet operationalized. This includes ensuring 100 percent Duty Free, Quota Free market access for LDCs’ exports; simplification of the Rules of Origin that define how much of the value of a product has to be produced in the country to qualify for reduced-tariff benefits; and providing actual binding commitments for the LDC services waiver (which allows developed countries to provide market access in services for LDCs without offering reciprocal access to other countries – a “flexibility” which has proven almost impossible to utilize). It also includes mandated reductions in the subsidies that the US and the EU provide to cotton producers – which enrich a few thousand there, but that have unfairly decimated production of hundreds of thousands of cotton farmers in Africa. This modest LDC package must be strengthened and made operational by the time of MC11.

Much is at stake this December in Buenos Aires. We believe in a democratic, transparent, and sustainable multilateral trading system, and do not want to see the WTO depart even further from that ideal. The secretive and anti-democratic practice of negotiating behind closed doors with only certain powerful members, and then bringing massive pressure to bear on developing countries to accept another bad deal, which has characterized the WTO since its inception but has become even more pronounced in the last two Ministerials, must be abandoned in favor of a transparent and member-driven process that leads to outcomes that are consistent with the multilaterally-agreed Sustainable Development Goals. 

Will members agree to a harmful new mandate on e-commerce and new rules limiting the democratic oversight over services regulations? And new rules on fishing subsidies which end up harming poor fisherfolk? Or will members act in the interest of their citizens and change course at the WTO, removing WTO constraints over domestic policies that promote food security and development, and supporting LDCs in their efforts to increase their share of global trade?

We urge you to make the right decision for a positive outcome at the upcoming MC11 in Buenos Aires.

Sincerely,

Endorsers as of October 16, 2017:

 

 

International and Regional Networks

1. 

ACP Civil Society Forum

The Forum is a coalition of 80 not-for-profit organisations working on issues relating to ACP-EU development cooperation. It seeks to cater for the diverse range civil society development issues within the wide geographic coverage of the ACP group.

2. 

Africa Network for Environment and Economic Justice (ANEEJ)

ANEEJ is a non-government organization whose goal is to amplify the voice of the weak, the less privileged and the marginalized groups in the society including women, youths, and People Living With Disabilities in order to increase their participation in the democratic decision-making process.

3. 

African Women Economic Policy Network (AWEPON)

AWEPON is a women’s Pan African organization with memberships in 22 African countries with an ultimate goal of influencing policies that are harmful to women and the poor population at large.

4. 

Arab NGO Network for Development (ANND)

ANND is a regional network, working in 12 Arab countries with seven national networks (with an extended membership of 200 CSOs from different backgrounds) and 23 NGO members.

5. 

Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD)

APWLD is a network of 218 women's rights organisations and movements in 26 countries across the Asia Pacific region working toward the achievement of women's human rights and Development Justice.

6. 

Association of Women's Rights in Development (AWID)

AWID is a global feminist organization with membership in 164 countries.

7. 

Confederacio?n Latinoamericana y del Caribe de Trabajadores Estatales (CLATE)

CLATE es una organización sindical internacional que reúne a sindicatos de trabajadores del sector público de 17 países de América Latina y el Caribe. Fue fundada en 1967 y está integrada por más de 26 organizaciones sindicales de la región.

8. 

Coordinadora de Centrales Sindicales del Cono Sur (CCSCS)

La Coordinadora de Centrales Sindicales del Cono Sur nuclea a 20 centrales de Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Bolivia, Paraguay y Uruguay.

9. 

Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN)

DAWN is a network of feminist scholars, researchers and activists from the economic South working for economic and gender justice and sustainable and democratic development.

10. 

Ecowas Network on Debt and Development (ECONDAD)

ECONDAD is a network of civil society organizations working on debt and economic justice from ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States).

11. 

Education International (EI)

Education International is a global union federation of teachers' trade unions consisting of 401 member organisations in 172 countries and territories that represents over 30 million education personnel from pre-school through university.

12. 

European Federation of Public Service Unions (EPSU)

EPSU is the largest federation of the ETUC and is the regional organization of Public Services International (PSI). It comprises 8 million public service workers from over 265 trade unions, including in the energy, water and waste sectors, health and social services and local and national administration, in all European countries including in the EU’s Eastern Neighborhood.

13. 

Fair Trade Advocacy Office

The Fair Trade Advocacy Office is a joint advocacy initiative of the two main global Fair Trade networks: Fairtrade International and the World Fair Trade Organisation. FOEI is the world’s largest grassroots environmental network, uniting 75 national member groups and some 5,000 local activist groups on every continent counting over 2 million members and supporters around the world.

14. 

Friends of the Earth International (FOEI)

FOEI is the world’s largest grassroots environmental network, uniting 75 national member groups and some 5,000 local activist groups on every continent with over 2 million members around the world.

15. 

Internacional de Servicios Publicos (ISP) Interamericas

En América del Norte, Central y del Sur, y el Caribe la ISP cuenta con 140 organizaciones sindicales afiliadas en 35 países, que representan a un total de 3,3 millones de trabajadores afiliados.

16. 

International Federation of Musicians (FIM)

The FIM, founded in 1948, is the international organisation for musicians’ unions and equivalent representative organisations, including 70 members in 60 countries throughout the world.

17. 

International Grail Justice in Trade Agreement Network

A coalition of groups working for peace and justice in 20 countries worldwide.

18. 

International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers' Associations (IUF)

The IUF is currently composed of 385 trade unions in 123 countries representing a combined representational membership of over 12 million workers (including a financial membership of 2.6 million).

19. 

Just Net Coalition

The Just Net Coalition is a global network of civil society actors committed to an open, free, just and equitable Internet.

20. 

LDC Watch

LDC Watch is a global alliance of national, regional and international civil society organisations (CSOs), networks and movements based in the Least Developed Countries (LDCs).

21. 

Mesa de Coordinación Latinoamericana de Comercio

A network of fair trade groups from Latin America and the Caribbean.

22. 

Movimiento M4

 

M4 apoya la defensa de la vida, la tierra y territorios, resistiendo a proyectos contrarios a los intereses de los pueblos.

23. 

Pacific Network on Globalization (PANG)

The Pacific Network on Globalisation is a regional network focused on promoting economic self-determination and justice in the Pacific Islands.

24. 

Pan African NGO Consortium on Agriculture

A network of organizations from throughout Africa working on issues of agriculture and development.

25. 

PRESSENZA International News Agency

PRESSENZA es una Agencia Internacional de Noticias de Paz y Noviolencia.

26. 

Public Services International (PSI)

Public Services International (PSI) is a global trade union federation dedicated to promoting quality public services in every part of the world. PSI brings together more than 20 million workers, represented by 650 unions in 150 countries and territories.  

27. 

la Red de Educación Popular Entre Mujeres América Latina y El Caribe -REPEM-

 

La Red es un espacio de encuentro y construcción colectiva de nuestra identidad como mujeres tejedoras de pensamiento, y de una apuesta política por una educación a lo largo de toda la vida no sexista, incluyente, y sin discriminación para las niñas y las mujeres.

28. 

Red de Género y Comercio - Capítulo Latino-americano

Fue crada em 1999 como parte de la red Internacional de Genero y Comercio IGTN e ha continuado acompanhando los temas comerciales y sus impactos de género, en los TLCs, TBIs y en el ambito multilateral de la OMC.

29. 

Red Intercontinental de Economia  Social y Solidaria de Latinoamerica RIPESS-LAC

RIPESS-LAC is a network of CSOs in Latin America working on economic justice and alternatives to neoliberalism.

30. 

Society for International Development (SID)

SID is an international network of individuals and organizations founded in 1957 to promote participative, pluralistic and sustainable development.

31. 

Southern Africa Development Community Council of Non Governmental Organisations (SADC-CNGO)

SADC-CNGO is a regional umbrella body of NGOs operating in all the 15 Member States of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). SADC-CNGO was formed in 1998 with the aim of facilitating effective and meaningful engagement between civil society in the region and SADC institutions at national, regional, continental and global levels.

32. 

Southern Africa Trade Union Coordination Council (SATUCC)

SATUCC brings together 21 national trade union federation in the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) with a combined membership of 6 million working women and men.

33. 

Third World Network (TWN)

TWN is an independent non-profit international network of organisations and individuals involved in issues relating to development, developing countries and North-South affairs.

34. 

Third World Network - Africa

TWN-Africa is the autonomous African section of the Third World Network, an independent coalition of organisations and individuals engaged in advocacy on issues related to development, environment, and North-South affairs.

35. 

UNI Americas

UNI Americas represents 4 million workers in the Americas and the Caribbean. We are part of the 20-million strong UNI Global Union family which has affiliated 900 unions in 140 countries globally.

36. 

Unión Latina de Economía Política de la Información, la Comunicación y la Cultura (ULEPICC)

ULEPICC es una asociación científica internacional de pensamiento crítico lo cual, desde 2002, aborda las transformaciones de las industrias culturales y las formas de poder, acceso y control de la información, la cultura y el conocimiento.

37. 

West African Institute for Trade and Development

An institute of scholars from West African countries that advocate on trade and development issues.

38. 

Women in Development Europe (WIDE+)

WIDE+ is the network that follows up the previous WIDE network (a member of Seattle to Brussels, S2B), composed of feminists, NGO's, and researchers who advocate for a socially just economy.

 

National Organizations

 

 

39. 

Trade Union of Building, Wood and Public Service of Albania (FSNDSHPSH)

Albania

40. 

Anguilla Civil Service Association

Anguilla

41. 

Antigua & Barbuda Public Service Association (ABPSA)

Antigua & Barbuda

42. 

Antigua & Barbuda Trade Union Congress (ABTUC)

Antigua & Barbuda

43. 

Antigua & Barbuda Workers' Union

Antigua & Barbuda

44. 

Amigos de la Tierra Argentina

 

Argentina

45. 

Confederación General del Trabajo de la República Argentina (CGT)

Argentina

46. 

Confederación de Trabajadores Municipales (CTM)

Argentina

47. 

Federación Argentina de Empleados de Comercio y Servicios (FAECYS)

Argentina

48. 

Foro Ciudadano de Participación por la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos (FOCO)

Argentina

49. 

Fundación Vía Libre

Argentina

50. 

Instituto Justiça Fiscal  

Argentina

51. 

Unión del Personal Civil de la Nación (UPCN)

Argentina

52. 

World Labour Institute Julio Godio - UNTREF

Argentina

53. 

Australian Fair Trade and Investment Network

Australia

54. 

New South Wales Nurses and Midwives Association

Australia

55. 

Information Group on Latin America (IGLA)

Austria

56. 

Bahrain Transparency Society

Bahrain

57. 

Bangladesh Krishok Federation

Bangladesh

58. 

Bangladesh Women Welfare Workers Union (BWWWU)

Bangladesh

59. 

COAST Trust

Bangladesh

60. 

Gonoshasthaya Kendra

Bangladesh

61. 

Sramik Karmachari Union PGCBSKU, Dhaka

Bangladesh

62. 

VOICE

Bangladesh

63. 

The National Union of Public Workers

Barbados

64. 

11.11.11

Belgium

65. 

Centrale Générale des Services Publics (CGSP)

Belgium

66. 

CNCD-11.11.11 (Centre national de coopération au développement)

Belgium

67. 

Confédération des Syndicats Chrétiens, the Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (ACV-CSC)

Belgium

68. 

National Alliance of Christian Mutual Health Funds (ANMC-LCM) / Alliance Nationale des Mutualités Chrétiennes (ANMC)

Belgium

69. 

SOS Faim Belgique

Belgium

70. 

Public Service Union of Belize

Belize

71. 

Bermuda Public Services Union

Bermuda

72. 

Fundación REDES de Bolivia

Bolivia

73. 

Plataforma Boliviana frente al Cambio Climático

Bolivia

74. 

A Casa 8 de Março - Organização feminista do Tocantins

Brazil

75. 

Articulação de Mulheres Brasileiras (AMB)

Brazil

76. 

CONTAG

Brazil

77. 

Federação dos Trabalhadores Municipais de Santa Catarina (FETRAM-SC/CUT)

Brazil

78. 

Federação Nacional dos Servidores do Judiciário nos Estados (FENAJUD)

Brazil

79. 

GAPARS - Grupo de Apoio A Prevenção da AIDS do RS

Brazil

80. 

Gestos (HIV and AIDS, Communication, Gender)

Brazil

81. 

INESC

Brazil

82. 

Instituto EQUIT - Genero, Economia e Cidadania Global

Brazil

83. 

Jubileo Sul – Brasil

Brazil

84. 

Rede Brasileira Pela Integração dos Povos (REBRIP)

Brazil

85. 

Rede Social de Justiça e Direitos Humanos

Brazil

86. 

Sindicato dos Enfermeiros no Estado de Pernambuco (SEEPE)

Brazil

87. 

Sindicato dos Trabalhadores Públicos da Saúde no Estado de São Paulo (SINDSAUPE/SP)

Brazil

88. 

SOS Corpo - Instituto Feminista para a Democracia

Brazil

89. 

União Geral dos Trabalhadores (UGT)

Brazil

90. 

Cambodian Food and Service Workers' Federation (CFSWF)

Cambodia

91. 

Social Action for Change

Cambodia

92. 

Africa Development Interchange Network (ADIN)

Cameroon

93. 

Réseau National de l’Économie Sociale et Solidaire du Cameroun (RESSCAM)

Cameroon

94. 

Council of Canadians

Canada

95. 

National Union of Public and General Employees (NUPGE)

Canada

96. 

Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC)

Canada

97. 

Réseau québécois sur l'intégration continentale (RQIC)

Canada

98. 

Syndicat de la fonction publique et parapublique du Québec (SFPQ)

Canada

99. 

Syndicat de professionnelles et professionnels du gouvernement du Québec

Canada

100. 

AFRICANDO

Canary Islands

101. 

Confederación Nacional de Funcionarios de Salud Municipal (CONFUSAM-Chile)

Chile

102. 

Corporacion Innovarte

Chile

103. 

Federación Nacional de Trabajadores de Obras Sanitarias (FENATRAOS-Chile)

Chile

104. 

Políticas Farmacéuticas CEPFAR

Chile

105. 

Federación Nacional de Profesionales Universitarios de los Servicios de Salud (FENPRUSS)

Chile

106. 

Asociacion Ambiente y Sociedad

Colombia

107. 

Camara Colombiana de la Economia Social y Solidaria (CCESS)

Colombia

108. 

Comité Ambiental en Defensa de la Vida

Colombia

109. 

Federación de Vocales de Control de los Servicios Públicos de la Región Centro y Bogotá

Colombia

110. 

Federacio?n Nacional de Entidades Acreditadas para Impartir Educacion Solidaria (FENALSE)

Colombia

111. 

Fundacio?n Colombia Digna (FUNCOLDIG)

Colombia

112. 

Grupo de Investigación en Derechos Colectivos y Ambientales (GIDCA)

Colombia

113. 

Red Educacion Popular Entre Mujeres  (REPEM)

Colombia

114. 

SINTRACUAVALLE

Colombia

115. 

Asociación Nacional de Educadores de Costa Rica (ANDE)

Costa Rica

116. 

Friends of the Earth/Amigos de la Tierra Costa Rica (COECOCEIBA)

Costa Rica

117. 

Sindicato de Empleados del Ministerio de Hacienda (SINDHAC)

Costa Rica

118. 

Confederacion Nacional de Unidad Sindical (CNUS)

Dominican Republic

119. 

La Fundación Étnica Integral (La FEI)

Dominican Republic

120. 

Sindicato Nacional de Enfermería (SINATRAE)

Dominican Republic

121. 

Asociación Latinoamericana de Educación y Comunicación Popular (ALER)

Ecuador

122. 

Colectivo El Punto

Ecuador

123. 

Comité de Empresa de los Trabajadores de ETAPA EP

Ecuador

124. 

El Centro de Documentación en Derechos Humanos “Segundo Montes Mozo S.J.” (CSMM)

Ecuador

125. 

Movimiento de Economía Social y Solidaria del Ecuador (MESSE)

Ecuador

126. 

Ojo al Dato

Ecuador

127. 

Sindicato de Trabajadores del Instituto Salvadoreño del Seguro Social (STISSS)

El Salvador

128. 

Grenada Public Workers Union

Grenada

129. 

Fairtrade Finland

Finland

130. 

Finnish NGDO Platform to the EU Kehys

Finland

131. 

Kepa (a former Service Centre for Development Cooperation)

Finland

132. 

Pro Ethical Trade Finland

Finland

133. 

SOL

France

134. 

Worldview-The Gambia

Gambia

135. 

Brot für die Welt/Bread for the World, Germany

Germany

136. 

Ecumenical Service on Southern Africa (KASA)

Germany

137. 

Forschungs- und Dokumentationszentrum Chile-Lateinamerika e.V. (FDCL)

Germany

138. 

Advocates & Trainers for Children & Women's Advancement & Rights (ATCWAR)

Ghana

139. 

Friends of Forest Reserves and Verging Groves

Ghana

140. 

Consumer Association the Quality of Life (EKPIZO)

Greece

141. 

Naturefriends

Greece

142. 

STOP TTIP CETA TiSA - Greece

Greece

143. 

Confédération des Travailleurs des Secteurs Public et Privé (CTSP)

Haiti

144. 

Friends of the Earth/Amigos de la Tierra Haiti/Suirve

Haiti

145. 

Plateforme haïtienne de Plaidoyer pour un Développement Alternatif (PAPDA)

Haiti

146. 

Platfom Rezistans Peyizan Latibonit (PREPLA)

Haiti

147. 

Asociación Madre Tierra

Honduras

148. 

Alliance for Sustainable & Holistic Agriculture (ASHA)

India

149. 

Anti-FTA Committee

India

150. 

Centre for Research and Advocacy, Manipur

India

151. 

Diverse Women for Diversity

India

152. 

Forum Against FTAs

India

153. 

Gene Campaign

India

154. 

Hazards Centre

India

155. 

Indian Social Action Forum (INSAF)

India

156. 

Initiative for Health & Equity in Society

India

157. 

IT for Change

India

158. 

Kheti Virasat Mission

India

159. 

KIRDTI, Odisha

India

160. 

Madhyam

India

161. 

Nagpur Municipal Corporation Employees Union

India

162. 

National Organisation of Government Employees

India

163. 

New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI)

India

164. 

Sunray Harvesters

India

165. 

Tamil Nadu Federation of Women Farmers' Rights (TNFWFR)

India

166. 

Tamil Nadu Women's Forum (TNWF)

India

167. 

Friends of the Earth Indonesia/WALHI

Indonesia

168. 

Indonesia for Global Justice

Indonesia

169. 

LIPS (Sedane Labor Resource Center)

Indonesia

170. 

Trocaire Ireland

Ireland

171. 

Fairwatch

Italy

172. 

Jamaica Civil Service Association

Jamaica

173. 

Phenix Center for Economic Studies

Jordan

174. 

Building Eastern Africa Community Network (BEACON)

Kenya

175. 

Growth Partners Africa

Kenya

176. 

Kenya Food Rights Alliance (KeFRA)

Kenya

177. 

Kenya Network of Grassroots Organisations (K.E.N.G.O)

Kenya

178. 

Kenya Small Scale Farmer's Forum

Kenya

179. 

Lebanon Support

Lebanon

180. 

Lebanese Trade Union Training Center

Lebanon

181. 

National Federation of Workers and Employees trade unions (FENASOL)

Lebanon

182. 

NGOs platform of Saida

Lebanon

183. 

Consumers Protection Association (CPA)

Lesotho

184. 

Development for Peace Education (DPE)

Lesotho

185. 

Policy Analysis and Research Institute of Lesotho (PARIL)

Lesotho

186. 

Women and Youth Empowerment Forum (WYEF)

Libya

187. 

Plate-Forme Nationale des Organisations de la Société Civile de Madagascar (PFNOSCM)

Madagascar

188. 

Malawi Economic Justice Network (MEJN)

Malawi

189. 

Consumers Association of Penang

Malaysia

190. 

Friends of the Earth Malaysia/SAM

Malaysia

191. 

Fédération des Syndicats du Secteur Public

Mali

192. 

Reseau National d'Appui a la Prommotion de L'economie Sociale et Solidaire du Mali (RENAPESS MALI)

Mali

193. 

Association Action pour le Traitement des malades du Cœur (ACTC)

Mauritania

194. 

Mauritanian Network for Social Action /

Réseau Mauritanien Pour L’Action Sociale

Mauritania

195. 

Center for Alternative Research and Studies (CARES)

Mauritius

196. 

Confederation of Free Trade Unions

Mauritius

197. 

Federation of Democratic Labour Unions

Mauritius

198. 

General Workers Federation

Mauritius

199. 

Government Services Employees Association

Mauritius

200. 

Local Authorities Employees Union

Mauritius

201. 

Mauritius Trade Union Congress (MTUC)

Mauritius

202. 

Migration and Sustainable Development Alliance

Mauritius

203. 

Resistance & Alternative

Mauritius

204. 

State and Other Employees Federation

Mauritius

205. 

Asociación Nacional de Industriales de Transformación (ANIT)

Mexico

206. 

Bia´lii, Asesoría e Investigación, A.C.

Mexico

207. 

Centro de Promoción y Educación Profesional "Vasco de Quiorga"

Mexico

208. 

Fundacion Mexicana para la Planeacion Familiar, AC (MEXFAM)

Mexico

209. 

Grupo Tacuba

Mexico

210. 

Otros Mundos Chiapas

Mexico

211. 

Procesos Integrales para la Autogestión de los Pueblos

Mexico

212. 

Red Mexicana de Acción frente al Libre Comercio (RMALC)

Mexico

213. 

Sindicato Único de Trabajadores del Gobierno de la Ciudad de México

Mexico

214. 

Unión Popular Valle Gómez, A.C.

Mexico

215. 

All Nepal Peasants’ Federation

Nepal

216. 

Greater Active Reconstruction & Justice Action Network-Nepal (GARJAN-Nepal)

Nepal

217. 

Health Professional Association of Nepal (HEPON)

Nepal

218. 

Nepal Civil Services Employees Union Association (NECSEUA)

Nepal

219. 

Nepal Film Workers Union (NFWU)

Nepal

220. 

Union of Public Services in Nepal (UPSIN)

Nepal

221. 

Both ENDS

Netherlands

222. 

It’s Our Future NZ

New Zealand

223. 

New Zealand Council of Trade Unions Te Kauae Kaimahi

New Zealand

224. 

New Zealand Public Service Association

New Zealand

225. 

Central de Trabajadores de la Salud (Fetsalud Granada)

Nicaragua

226. 

Centro de los Derechos del Campesino (CEDECAM)

Nicaragua

227. 

Red de Organizaciones Sociales de Managua

Nicaragua

228. 

Reseau des Organisations de Developpement et Associations de Defense de Droits de L’Homme et de la Democratie (RODADDHD)

Niger

229. 

Centre for Human Rights and Climate Change Research

Nigeria

230. 

Labour, Health and Human Rights Development Centre

Nigeria

231. 

National Association of Nigerian Traders (NANTS)

Nigeria

232. 

Folkeaksjonen mot TISA

Norway

233. 

All Pakistan Labour Federation (APLF)

Pakistan

234. 

Civil Society Support Program (CSSP)

Pakistan

235. 

NOOR Pakistan  

Pakistan

236. 

Sustainable Development Vision (SDV)  

Pakistan

237. 

Agricultural Development Association (PARC)

Palestine

238. 

Social and Economic Policies Monitor (Al Marsad)

Palestine

239. 

Catedratico Universitario

Panama

240. 

Colectivo Voces Ecológicas (COVEC)

Panama

241. 

Friends of the Earth/Papua New Guinea

Papua New Guinea

242. 

TEDIC

Paraguay

243. 

Confederación General de Trabajadores del Perú (CGTP)

Peru

244. 

Federación Nacional de Trabajadores de Agua Potable y Alcantarillado del Perú (FENTAP)

Peru

245. 

Grupo Red de Economia Solidaria del Peru (GRESP)

Peru

246. 

Instituto para el Desarrollo y la Paz Amazónica

Peru

247. 

Red Peruana de Comercio Justo y Consumo Ético

Peru

248. 

Red Uniendo Manos

Peru

249. 

Alliance of Filipino Workers

Philippines

250. 

Initiatives for Dialogue and Empowerment through Alternative Legal Services (IDEALS)

Philippines

251. 

Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA)

Philippines

252. 

Public Services Labor Independent Confederation (PSLINK)

Philippines

253. 

Fundacja Strefa Zieleni

Poland

254. 

Associação Sindical dos Profissionais da Inspeção Tributária e Aduaneira (APIT)

Portugal

255. 

Ole Siosiomaga Society Incorporated (OLSSI)

Samoa

256. 

Coalition Nationale Non aux APE

Senegal

257. 

Front Anti APE Anti CFA

Senegal

258. 

Pan Africain Association for Literacy and Adult Education (PAALAE)

Senegal

259. 

Personnels Civils des Armées des Services de Sécurité Publics Privés et Assimilés

Senegal

260. 

International-Lawyers.Org

Sierra Leone

261. 

Institute for Economic Research on Innovation

South Africa

262. 

National Public Service Workers Union

South Africa

263. 

Community Empowerment for Progress Organization (CEPO)

South Sudan

264. 

Amigos de la Tierra España

Spain

265. 

WDGpa - World Democratic Governance project association, Catalunya

Spain

266. 

Unión Universal Desarrollo Solidario

Spain

267. 

We Women Lanka Network

Sri Lanka

268. 

Public Service Union

St Vincent and the Grenadines

269. 

Gender Studies Centre

Sudan

270. 

Adetra, Trade Union of Worker's Defence

Switzerland

271. 

Alliance Sud

Switzerland

272. 

Association citoyenne pour la défense des usagers du service public (ACIDUS)

Switzerland

273. 

Association for Proper Internet Governance 

Switzerland

274. 

Bread for All

Switzerland

275. 

Coalition Suisse pour la Diversité Culturelle

Switzerland

276. 

Fastenopfer

Switzerland

277. 

Public Eye       

Switzerland

278. 

VPOD Switzerland, the trade union for public services

Switzerland

279. 

Governance Links Tanzania

Tanzania

280. 

Tanzania Trade and Economic Justice Forum (TTEJF)

Tanzania

281. 

La'o Hamutuk - Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis

Timor-Leste

282. 

Les Amis de la Terre-Togo

Togo

283. 

Ligue des Consommateurs du Togo (LCT)  

Togo

284. 

National Union of Government and Federated Workers, Trinidad and Tobago

Trinidad & Tobago

285. 

Public Services Association of Trinidad and Tobago

Trinidad & Tobago

286. 

Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights / Forum Tunisien Pour les Droits Economiques et Sociaux

Tunisia

287. 

Citizens Platform for Democracy and Accountability

Uganda

288. 

Southern and Eastern African Trade Information and Negotiations Institute (SEATINI)

Uganda

289. 

Global Justice Now!

United Kingdom

290. 

GMB trade union

United Kingdom

291. 

National Justice and Peace Network UK (England & Wales)

United Kingdom

292. 

Trade Justice Movement

United Kingdom

293. 

UNISON

United Kingdom

294. 

American Federation of Teachers

United States

295. 

Global Policy Forum (GPF)

United States/ Germany

296. 

Global Exchange

United States

297. 

Local Futures

United States

298. 

Sisters of Charity Federation

United States

299. 

Society of Catholic Medical Missionaries

United States

300. 

Washington Fair Trade Coalition

United States

301. 

Federación de Funcionarios de Obras Sanitarias del Estado

Uruguay

302. 

Instituto del Tercer Mundo

Uruguay

303. 

REDES-Amigos de la Tierra Uruguay

Uruguay

304. 

Red de Economistas del Uruguay (REDIU)

Uruguay

305. 

Coalición de Tendencias Clasistas (CTC-VZLA)

Venezuela

306. 

Equipo de Formacion, Informacion y Publicaciones (EFIP)

Venezuela

307. 

Social Democratic Forum

Yemen

308. 

Zambia Council for Social Development (ZCSD)

Zambia

309. 

Southern and Eastern African Trade Information and Negotiations Institute (SEATINI-Zimbabwe)

Zimbabwe



[i] This letter was originally sent on October 6, 2017 with 279 endorsements.